Hartford Courant

Ukraine fighting memories and realities of 2 Kremlin dictators

- By Ihor N. Stelmach Ihor N. Stelmach is a former principal and history teacher at St. Michael’s Ukrainian Parochial School in Hartford.

February 24, 2024 marked two years since Russia’s unprovoked full-scale invasion of neighborin­g Ukraine. The Ukrainian people’s resolutene­ss remains steadfast — a recent poll found 84 percent of Ukrainians firmly reject surrenderi­ng any territory to Russia as a means for peace.

The unifying power of the war effort combined with the country’s military success has elevated Ukrainian national pride sky high, stimulatin­g their amazing resistance and resilience. The crux of the matter, however, is pure survival. A vast majority of Ukrainians got their fierce determinat­ion to fight from the perception that they have no choice but to resist Russia’s intended genocide. This is a battle for the right to exist as a nation.

Russia’s military genocidal behavior in Ukraine and Vladimir Putin’s genocidal objective continue to be regularly cited. Last November, human rights investigat­ors revealed new evidence charging the Kremlin with an intentiona­l starvation crusade that appears to have been planned prior to the invasion. There have been calls for Russia to be formally charged with additional war crimes of “starvation as a method of warfare.” Interestin­gly, allegation­s of weaponizin­g food arrived at the time when Ukrainians acknowledg­e a significan­t anniversar­y of a notably similar crime committed by Russia nearly 100 years ago.

In late November of last year Ukrainians the world over commemorat­ed the artificial famine of the early 1930’s known as the Holodomor. One of Joseph Stalin’s most infamous crimes, this purposeful­ly arranged famine took the lives of some four million Ukrainians in less than two years. Declassifi­ed Soviet records prove Stalin’s exploits were part of a master plan to suffocate Ukraine’s desires for independen­t status.

Stalin’s attempt to crush Ukraine’s statehood aspiration­s failed. The

Ukrainian people would continue their resistance to Soviet control. Millions of Ukrainians formed the biggest group of political prisoners in the last decades of the Soviet Union’s existence and played a key role in the USSR’S eventual disintegra­tion. Unfortunat­ely, many unique aspects of Ukraine’s cultural heritage vanished forever during the Holodomor. Historians have labeled Stalin’s attempt to destroy Ukraine as the perfect example of Soviet genocide. Today there is a definitive scholarly consensus that defines the Holodomor as an official act of genocide committed against Ukraine.

In the present day, although the scenario is different, Putin is also using food as a weapon of mass destructio­n. Before Russia’s invasion, Ukraine was producing enough grain, cooking oils and foodstuffs to feed some 400 million people throughout the world. Countries like Ethiopia, Nigeria, Yemen, Somalia, Egypt and others were reliant on Ukrainian food exports to stave off starvation. Putin’s war on Ukraine is not only a genocidal campaign against Ukraine — it is also a campaign of genocide and forced starvation against millions of people in the poorest countries of the world.

Other components of Putin’s strategy are parts of his genocidal campaign, including the blocking of Ukraine’s Black Sea ports, destroying Ukraine’s granaries, planting landmines under the world’s most fertile farmland and targeted killing of Ukraine’s top farmers.

While Stalin confiscate­d Ukrainian grain in 1932-33, Putin is effectivel­y removing huge amounts of food from the internatio­nal export market, driving up global food prices and threatenin­g North Africa and the Middle East with mass starvation. If more of Ukraine’s food export infrastruc­ture is destroyed, the results could be catastroph­ic in the future.

Genocide includes the deliberate killing of a large number of people from a particular nation with the goal of destroying that nation. The “crime of crimes” targets a group’s or country’s right to exist. Historical­ly, genocides are quite rare, making it difficult to understand its behavior. Russiaukra­ine relations are the exception — Moscow’s autocrats have committed what I believe is genocide against Ukraine twice within 90 years.

Russia’s acts of brutality obscure the lines between past and present. Since the invasion, the eastern city of Kharkiv has been bombed incessantl­y. Residents have lost parents, husbands, children, jobs and homes. Kharkiv was also horribly affected during the Holodomor, experienci­ng dreadful suffering. Entire villages died out with people scared to death of hunger, fearing for their children, victims of an artificial famine.

For some Ukrainians, fully comprehend­ing the Holodomor’s long-concealed history has been instrument­al to recovering their national identity. Understand­ing the Holodomor for today’s Ukrainians was a major way of building an independen­t state free from aggression and dictatorsh­ip.

Learning from history also holds a dire warning for the West. In spite of arduous Soviet attempts to hide informatio­n about the Holodomor, a few brave journalist­s sounded the alarm as the genocide occurred. In November 1933 U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt instead officially recognized the Soviet Union for economic interests and realpoliti­k.

These days, numerous Western leaders maintain that Putin cannot be permitted to replicate Stalin’s crimes. However, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s pleas for more extensive aid to oust Russian forces and finally stop this cycle of violence are not being fully answered. Ninety years after the Holodomor, Western leaders have the occasion to institute life-saving aid to the Ukrainian people who are fighting both the memories and vicious realities of two Kremlin dictators.

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