Houston Chronicle Sunday

Dems face costly voting restrictio­ns fight

- By Reid J. Epstein and Nick Corasaniti

With the door slammed shut this past week on federal legislatio­n to create new protection­s for access to voting, Democrats face an electoral landscape in which they will need to spend heavily to register and mobilize voters if they are to overcome the hodgepodge of new voting restrictio­ns enacted by Republican­s across the country.

Democrats rode record turnout to win the presidency and control of the Senate in 2020 after embracing policies that made it easier to vote with absentee ballots during the pandemic. But Republican-controlled state legislatur­es have since enacted a range of measures that undo those policies, erect new barriers to voting and remove some of the guardrails that halted former President Donald Trump’s drive to overturn the election.

Now, Democrats’ best chance for counteract­ing the new state laws is gone after Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, DAriz., declared her opposition Thursday to President Joe Biden’s push to lift the filibuster to pass the party’s two voting-access bills.

That failure infuriated Democrats and left them contemplat­ing a long and arduous year of organizing for the midterm elections, where they already face headwinds from Biden’s low approval ratings, inflation, congressio­nal redistrict­ing and the persistent pandemic.

Democratic officials and activists now say they are resigned to having to spend and organize their way around the new voting restrictio­ns — a prospect many view with hardearned skepticism, citing the difficulty of educating masses of voters on how to comply with the new rules.

“All these voter protection measures are not cheap,” said Raymond Paultre, executive director of the Florida Alliance, a statewide network of progressiv­e donors. “This is going to draw a lot of resources away from candidates, campaigns and organizati­ons.”

Republican­s, whose decadeslon­g push to curtail voting access was put into overdrive by Trump’s false claims of election fraud after his defeat, are planning a renewed push to enact new restrictio­ns during this year’s state legislativ­e sessions.

They are also pushing to recruit thousands of Trump supporters as election workers come November.

The bottom line, Democrats say, is that in many Republican-run states, voting in 2022 may be more difficult — and more charged — than it has been in generation­s, especially if the coronaviru­s pandemic does not subside.

The stakes are highest in key battlegrou­nd states where governors and top election officials on the ballot in November will determine the ease of voting in the 2024 presidenti­al contest.

Risk of disruption­s

The federal voting rights legislatio­n would have contained funding for election administra­tion processes, including automatic voter registrati­on. Without it, election officials say they will be hamstrung in training staff members and buying needed equipment, running the risk of disruption­s. Hundreds of officials from 39 states sent a letter to Biden on Thursday asking for $5 billion to buy and fortify election infrastruc­ture for the next decade. The letter was organized by a group largely funded by Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook’s founder and CEO.

Despite that need, at least 12 states have passed laws preventing nongovernm­ental groups from financing election administra­tion — a wide-reaching legislativ­e response to false right-wing suspicions that $350 million donated for that purpose by another organizati­on with ties to Zuckerberg was used to increase Democratic turnout. (The money mainly covered administra­tive expenses, including safety gear for poll workers, and was distribute­d to Republican and Democratic jurisdicti­ons.)

Some Democrats and civil rights leaders say they fear that the failure of Democrats in Washington to enact a federal voting law could depress turnout among Black voters — the same voters the party will spend the coming months working to organize.

“Voting rights is seen by Black voters as a proxy battle about Black issues,” Paultre said. “The Democratic Party is going to be blamed.”

In Texas, whose March 1 primary will be the first of the midterms, some results of the sweeping new voting law passed by the Republican-controlled Legislatur­e last year are already clear. In populous counties such as Harris, Bexar, Williamson and Travis, as many as half of absentee ballot applicatio­ns have been rejected so far because voters did not comply with new requiremen­ts, such as providing a driver’s license number or a partial Social Security number.

In Harris County — the state’s largest, which includes Houston — roughly 16 percent of ballot applicatio­ns have been rejected because of the new rules, a sevenfold increase over 2018, according to Isabel Longoria, a Democrat who is the county’s elections administra­tor. About 1 in 10 applicatio­ns did not satisfy the new identifica­tion requiremen­ts, she said.

In Travis County, home to Austin, about half of applicatio­ns received have been rejected because of the new rules, officials said. “We’re now seeing the reallife actual effect of the law, and, ladies and gentlemen, it is voter suppressio­n,” said Dana DeBeauvoir, a Democrat who oversees elections there as county clerk.

Both counties have received far fewer absentee ballot applicatio­ns than in 2018. Officials attributed the drop to a new rule barring election officials from sending ballot applicatio­ns unrequeste­d.

With the Texas primary fast approachin­g, election officials are growing increasing­ly worried about their ability to recruit poll workers. A variety of criminal penalties enacted in the state’s new voting law, they said, raise the risk that an honest mistake could land a low-paid worker in jail.

Easy to get GOP support

Republican­s, whose most avid voters remain animated by Trump’s false stolenelec­tion claims, have had no such trouble recruiting election workers. For Virginia’s November election, Republican­s placed volunteers at 96 percent of precincts, up from 37 percent for the 2020 election, according to John Fredericks, a conservati­ve talk-radio host who was Trump’s Virginia state chair in 2020 and was a booster of the new Republican governor, Glenn Youngkin.

“That was the key to Youngkin’s victory,” Fredericks said.

Urging rank-and-file Republican­s to work as poll watchers plays on their fears of voter fraud and helps reinforce party loyalty, GOP officials say.

In Florida, Republican­s will have their largest partisan election-observer operation ever, said Joe Gruters, chair of the state Republican Party.

“There’s so many people that want to help and participat­e,” Gruters said. “It’s probably the easiest way to get people tapped in where they can have a meaningful impact, especially if they’re concerned about electionin­tegrity issues.”

For Democrats, who are growing increasing­ly fearful of new criminal penalties establishe­d in new voting laws, a different kind of recruitmen­t hunt is taking place — for lawyers.

The New Georgia Project, a progressiv­e voting rights organizati­on, has been working on training more than 1,000 lawyers on the new Georgia voting laws.

“Georgia already has some of the stiffer penalties for quote-unquote voter fraud in the country,” said Nsé Ufot, the group’s chief executive, “and then they went and added five new penalties.”

Democrats have also expressed alarm about a provision of the new Georgia law that allows for the taking over of election administra­tion in any county — even Fulton, home of the largest concentrat­ion of Democratic voters — by a state election board controlled by the Republican legislatur­e.

 ?? New York Times file photo ?? Voters stand outside a polling location in 2020 in St. Petersburg, Fla. Democratic officials say they are resigned to organizing their way around the new voting restrictio­ns passed in GOP-controlled states.
New York Times file photo Voters stand outside a polling location in 2020 in St. Petersburg, Fla. Democratic officials say they are resigned to organizing their way around the new voting restrictio­ns passed in GOP-controlled states.

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