Houston Chronicle Sunday

There is still no strategy to defeat Trump

- David Brooks David Brooks is a columnist for the New York Times.

One of the stunning facts of the age is the continued prominence of Donald Trump. His candidates did well in the GOP primaries this year. He won more votes in 2020 than he did in 2016. His favorabili­ty ratings within his party have been high and basically unchanged since late 2016. In a range of polls, some have actually shown Trump leading President Joe Biden in a race for reelection in 2024.

His prominence is astounding because over the past seven years the American establishm­ent has spent enormous amounts of energy trying to discredit him.

Those of us in this establishm­ent correctly identified

Trump as a grave threat to American democracy. The task before us was clear. We were never going to shake the hardcore MAGA folks. The job was to peel away independen­ts and those Republican­s offended by and exhausted by his antics.

Many strategies were deployed in order to discredit Trump. There was the immorality strategy: Thousands of articles were written detailing his lies and peccadillo­es. There was the impeachmen­t strategy: Investigat­ions were launched into his various scandals and outrages. There was the exposure strategy: Scores of books were written exposing how shambolic and ineffectiv­e the Trump White House really was.

The net effect of these strategies has been to sell a lot of books and subscripti­ons and to make anti-Trumpists feel good. But this entire barrage of invective has not discredite­d Trump among the people who will very likely play the most determinan­t role. It has probably pulled some college-educated Republican­s into the Democratic ranks and pushed some working-class voters over to the Republican side.

The barrage has probably solidified Trump’s hold on the Republican­s who see themselves at war with the progressiv­e coastal elites. If those elites are dumping on Trump, he must be their guy.

A couple of weeks ago, Biden gave a speech in Philadelph­ia, declaring the MAGA movement a threat to democracy. The speech said a lot of true things, but there was an implied confession: We have no strategy. Denouncing Trump and discrediti­ng Trump are two different tasks. And if there’s one thing we’ve learned, denunciati­on may be morally necessary, but it doesn’t achieve the goal denouncers think it does.

Some commentato­rs argued that Biden’s strategy in the speech was to make Trump the central issue of the 2022 midterms; both Biden and Trump have an interest in making sure that Trump is the sun around which all of American politics revolves.

This week, I talked with a Republican who was incensed by Biden’s approach. He is an 82-year-old émigré from Russia who is thinking of supporting Ron DeSantis in the 2024 primaries because he has less baggage. His parents were killed by the Nazis in World War II. “And now Biden’s calling me a fascist?!” he fumed.

You would think that those of us in the anti-Trump camp would have at one point stepped back and asked some elemental questions: What are we trying to achieve? Who is the core audience here? Which strategies have worked, and which have not?

If those questions were asked, the straightfo­rward conclusion would be that most of what we are doing is not working. The next conclusion might be that there’s a lot of self-indulgence here. We’re doing things that help those of us in the anti-Trump world bond with one another and that help people in the Trump world bond with one another. We’re locking in the political structures that benefit Trump.

My core conclusion is that attacking Trump personally doesn’t work. You have to rearrange the underlying situation. We are in the middle of a cultural/economic/partisan/ identity war between more progressiv­e people in the metro areas and more conservati­ve people everywhere else. To lead the right in this war, Trump doesn’t have to be honest, moral or competent; he just has to be seen taking the fight to the “elites.”

The proper strategy in this situation is to scramble the identity war narrative. That’s what Biden did in 2020. He ran as a middle-class moderate from Scranton. He dodged the culture war issues. That’s what the Democratic Senate candidate John Fetterman is trying to do in Pennsylvan­ia.

A Democratic candidate who steps outside the culture/identity war narrative is going to have access to the voters who need to be moved. Public voices who don’t seem locked in the insular educated elite worldview are going to be able to reach the people who need to be reached.

Trumpists tell themselves that America is being threatened by a radical left putsch that is out to take over the government and undermine the culture. The core challenge now is to show by word and deed that this is a gross exaggerati­on.

Can Trump win again? Absolutely. I’m a DeSantis doubter. I doubt someone so emotionall­y flat and charmless can win a nomination in the age of intensive media. And then once Trump is nominated, he has some chance of winning, because nobody is executing an effective strategy against him.

If that happens, we can at least console ourselves with that Taylor Swift lyric: “I had a marvelous time ruinin’ everything.”

 ?? Mark Peterson/New York Times ?? Former President Donald Trump speaks at a Sept. 3 rally in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. His candidates did well in the GOP primaries this year, and his ratings within the party are unchanged since 2016.
Mark Peterson/New York Times Former President Donald Trump speaks at a Sept. 3 rally in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. His candidates did well in the GOP primaries this year, and his ratings within the party are unchanged since 2016.
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