Houston Chronicle

Spying claims ignite privacy debate

Trump’s assertion on wiretappin­g to be scrutinize­d on Capitol Hill

- By Scott Shane

Standing beside Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany on Friday at the White House, President Donald Trump told her, “at least we have something in common.”

Trump was comparing himself to a foreign leader whose cellphone calls had been intercepte­d by the National Security Agency. He was doubling down, again, on his much-disputed claim that his calls, too, had been wiretapped on orders of President Barack Obama.

It was the latest in a series of extraordin­ary statements in which Trump, with awkward support from his aides, took an unusual stance for a U.S. commander-in-chief: He spoke not as the boss of the intelligen­ce agencies but as their victim.

Even if his wiretap claim was groundless, as seems all but certain, it has unexpected­ly renewed a debate on the left as well as the right over whether security agencies invade Americans’ privacy and could undermine democracy. Whether the president intended such a discussion or even welcomes it, his repeated undercutti­ng of the spy agencies has been striking.

Shortly before taking office, he infuriated intelligen­ce officials by comparing their agencies to Nazi Germany. In February, he suggested that intelligen­ce leaks were “just like Russia”; his aides, with his encouragem­ent, have pushed the

idea that the “deep state” of security agencies sought to undermine his presidency.

If such charges were previously unseen in the history of the U.S. presidency, so were the circumstan­ces in which Trump took office. In a public report before his inaugurati­on, the intelligen­ce agencies concluded that Russian hacking and disinforma­tion were intended to help him defeat Hillary Clinton. He bitterly resisted the claim, which cast a shadow of doubt over the legitimacy of his victory.

All of those tensions will be in the air Monday, when the leaders of the FBI, James Comey, and the National Security Agency, Adm. Michael S. Rogers, testify before the House Intelligen­ce Committee. Trump’s wiretap accusation­s are certain to come up.

Constraine­d both by classifica­tion rules and by deference to the president, the intelligen­ce officials will have to pick their way carefully through secret programs and Trump’s attacks.

‘This has to be answered’

Of all of Trump’s Twitter eruptions, his March 4 outburst on surveillan­ce may have been the most disturbing, both for those who believed it and for those who dismissed it as outrageous nonsense.

“How low has President Obama gone to tapp my phones during the very sacred election process,” Trump asked, with erratic spelling. “This is Nixon/Watergate. Bad (or sick) guy!”

The claims, denied by Obama, have been definitive­ly discredite­d by intelligen­ce officials and members of Congress in both parties. When the president’s spokesman, Sean Spicer, floated a new theory that Obama had enlisted British eavesdropp­ers for the illicit job, British officials indignantl­y denied it, and the White House quickly backed down.

U.S. Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Houston, said Sunday that Trump’s repeated claims could provide grounds for impeachmen­t if the hearing with the FBI director does not produce evidence to substantia­te the allegation.

“Tomorrow will be a very important day,” she said. “There should be a final statement made, yes or no. Did President Barack Obama wiretap the now 45th president of the United States? Did a sitting president violate the law, perpetrate a criminal act? This has to be answered.”

In the face of bipartisan pushback, the president has refused to relinquish his claims.

“It’s in keeping with his attitude toward government in general,” said Elizabeth Goitein, a director of the liberty and national security program at the Brennan Center for Justice. “He has nothing but antipathy for the agencies he controls.”

Yet Goitein, who has no sympathy for Trump’s policies, believes his clumsy comments on wiretappin­g, even if not true, should be an opening for a broader discussion of government surveillan­ce and U.S. privacy. She is among the civil libertaria­ns who believe Trump’s critics have been too quick to dismiss the real possibilit­y that the National Security Agency or FBI might actually have picked up Trump campaign communicat­ions.

Intentiona­lly or otherwise, Trump has rejuvenate­d the debate over the proper balance of privacy and security. When libertaria­n Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., used the Trump claims to suggest a broader concern about privacy, Glenn Greenwald, a leftwing writer for the online publicatio­n The Intercept, backed him up in a column titled “Rand Paul Is Right.”

Incidental collection

What these odd political bedfellows were pointing out is a truism inside the intelligen­ce world but less understood outside it: When the National Security Agency or the FBI eavesdrop on foreigners’ communicat­ions, they often pick up the Americans who are talking to them. National Security Agency and FBI officials call this “incidental” collection, but it can have serious consequenc­es.

It appears that such incidental collection, for instance, decided the fate of Michael Flynn, who stepped down as national security adviser after he was picked up talking to the Russian ambassador, Sergey Kislyak, and lied about the conversati­ons.

There is also the possibilit­y of what is called “reverse targeting” — say, eavesdropp­ing on Kislyak, ostensibly to find out what the Russian ambassador is up to — but with the real goal of catching Flynn. Reverse targeting is prohibited by law, but Goitein points out that it is difficult to prove because it requires showing what was in the eavesdropp­er’s mind.

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