Houston Chronicle

Firms shouldn’t look beyond shareholde­rs

Megan McArdle says amid a debate over corporate social responsibi­lity, business leaders have no right to do charity with other people’s money.

- McArdle writes a syndicated column for the Washington Post Writers Group.

You might have seen news of the Business Roundtable’s pledge, issued to much fanfare on Monday. “Each of our stakeholde­rs is essential,” said the signers, the chief executives of major public firms. “We commit to deliver value to all of them, for the future success of our companies, our communitie­s and our country.” Perhaps you were a bit surprised, possibly quite pleased, to see executives finally taking their social responsibi­lities seriously and abandoning their singlemind­ed focus on increasing shareholde­r value. It’s hard to argue with an aspiration to serve a cause greater than mere shareholde­r returns.

Nonetheles­s, let me try. Or, rather, let me highlight the answer that Milton Friedman, the Nobel Prize-winning economist, offered in the New York Times in 1970, when corporate social responsibi­lity was much in vogue.

“In a free-enterprise, private-property system,” Friedman argued, “a corporate executive is an employe (sic) of the owners of the business. He has direct responsibi­lity to his employers. That responsibi­lity is to conduct the business in accordance with their desires, which generally will be to make as much money as possible while conforming to the basic rules of the society, both those embodied in law and those embodied in ethical custom.”

As you can imagine, the intervenin­g decades have seen much bitter debate about Friedman’s essay and the broader topic of “shareholde­r” vs. “stakeholde­r” capitalism. The stakeholde­r advocates point out, correctly, that corporate behavior affects many people beyond shareholde­rs. Why, then, should CEOs put the needs of shareholde­rs first?

The shareholde­r-capitalism advocates answer by echoing Friedman: because business leaders have no right to do charity on someone else’s dime.

You might admire plumbers who donate fixtures to needy families, but not if they donated the fixtures you’d purchased for your own bathroom. That is essentiall­y what stakeholde­r capitalist­s are demanding of chief executives: Take the money and power that shareholde­rs have entrusted to you and divert those resources to benefit someone else.

I’m not talking about the kind of “corporate social responsibi­lity” that ultimately benefits shareholde­rs. Treating employees decently often means lower turnover and higher profits; investing in community schools might lead to a better-trained workforce; and strategica­lly supporting social causes might be good public relations. But if those steps benefit shareholde­rs, moralistic appeals aren’t necessary to justify them, nor are pledges to ensure that the CEOs follow through.

So if “stakeholde­r capitalism” means anything, it must mean companies doing things that make shareholde­rs at least somewhat worse off. Maybe you’re fine with that because most shareholde­rs are relatively affluent. But the United States already has an effective way to divert money from the affluent to the needy. It’s called the progressiv­e tax code.

Unlike corporate social responsibi­lity efforts, the tax code actually targets the affluent, rather than anyone who happens to own shares in a company — which, if you have a pension, 401(k) or life insurance policy, includes you. Also, unlike corporate social responsibi­lity initiative­s, redistribu­tion through the tax code is democratic­ally accountabl­e.

Corporate social responsibi­lity, by contrast, can be even less accountabl­e than good old-fashioned shareholde­r capitalism. Money is relatively easy to measure: Shareholde­rs have more of it at the end of the quarter, or they don’t, and either way you know how the boss is doing. But if the chief executive pours that cash into better-upholstere­d offices, more-generous fringe benefits and a slew of charitable causes, who’s to say whether the company’s goals are being met? Probably not the shareholde­rs, who have time to monitor their own accounts but not a bunch of altruistic micro-initiative­s.

The very impossibil­ity of rendering a conclusive judgment means that corporate altruism might even be a net loss to society. As Harvard health care economist Amitabh Chandra noted on Twitter after the Business Roundtable’s announceme­nt, “appealing to an amorphous ‘social mission’ ” has allowed nonprofit hospitals “to foil regulators, acquire their competitio­n, and increase market power.” Beware of any proposal that might make the rest of the economy look more like the health care sector.

Society has a valid interest in curbing the negative externalit­ies of corporate behavior, such as environmen­tal damage, unsafe products and systemic risk-taking. But taxing pollution and regulating risk are much more effective ways to do that than extracting a CEO promise to be extra good. We also have better ways of pursuing positive goods such as social justice — as long as we care enough to actually put our own money and effort on the line, rather than asking CEOs to appropriat­e the necessary resources from anyone unlucky enough to own their company’s stock.

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