Houston Chronicle

Nation of Texas had impeachmen­t battle

- By Leslie H. Southwick Southwick is a judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit and a former judge of the Mississipp­i Court of Appeals.

The most recent impeachmen­t approved by the House of Representa­tives charged a president who has since left office with inciting an insurrecti­on. A Senate trial looms. Though two or three examples of bringing delayed proceeding­s against other federal officials have been identified during the current controvers­y, no postmortem, as it were, considerat­ion of impeachmen­t of a president of the United States has ever occurred before. Is it valid to do so?

Whether valid or not, a delayed presidenti­al impeachmen­t did occur in the Republic of Texas, a separate nation from its declaratio­n of independen­ce in 1836 until its annexation as a state in 1845. The new nation’s constituti­on was drafted rather hurriedly as independen­ce was being proclaimed while the Mexican army approached. Haste meant adopting almost verbatim much of the U.S. Constituti­on, including the provision specifying the penalties for impeachmen­t. The argument today is that because disqualifi­cation from holding future office can be imposed upon conviction, a former president remains subject to impeachmen­t. A similar question and proposed answer arose in Texas about impeaching a just-departed president.

In the second Texas national elections, held in 1838, Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar was elected president for a threeyear term. Lamar was only 40 years old when elected. He had been well-educated as the son of a wealthy Georgia planter and had arrived in Texas only in 1835. He could be, with fateful consequenc­es for his young country, an impractica­l visionary who seemingly felt unconstrai­ned by the law.

Lamar’s vision focused on the fact that the Texas Congress made the country’s western boundary the Rio Grande from its mouth to its source, even into present-day New Mexico and beyond. Without any authorizat­ion from the Texas Congress, Lamar sent an expedition to Santa Fe during his last year in office in an effort to assert control and begin trade. The part military, part commercial enterprise with 321 soldiers and civilians started from the Austin area in Central Texas in June 1841. They got lost, suffered terribly from lack of water, and in October, a month after a new president was elected, were met by Mexican soldiers who took them all prisoner.

The new president was the Hero of San Jacinto, Sam Houston, elected to his second nonconsecu­tive term on Sept. 6, 1841. The newly elected members of the Texas Congress took office before Houston

did. The House began its session in Austin on Nov. 1 in a log cabin with separate large rooms for each chamber. The Capitol itself was surrounded by a stockade to protect it from enemies of various kinds. Houston would not be inaugurate­d until Dec. 13. On Nov. 23, a representa­tive introduced a resolution in the House that condemned Lamar’s authorizin­g and funding the Santa Fe Expedition. The speaker of the House named a special committee to investigat­e.

As with the current impeachmen­t, the most significan­t member of the House urging it was the speaker. Kenneth L. Anderson, the 36-year-old speaker and Sam Houston ally, tellingly placed three other proponents of impeachmen­t on the four-person special committee to consider the charges against Lamar. In contrast to Lamar’s affluent background, Anderson had grown up in poverty in North Carolina. He was largely self-educated, became a lawyer and came to Texas in 1837.

Two weeks after the resolution was introduced and just a week before the inaugurati­on of a new president, the special committee reported that Lamar, “in fitting up and sending out the Santa Fe Expedition, acted without the authority of law or the sanction of reason.” He had summoned volunteers to serve in the expedition, forming in effect his own small army without congressio­nal approval, and had overridden refusals by other officials to fund the expedition.

The committee thought it “the duty of the House” to impeach Lamar. The fact that Lamar’s term had almost expired should not matter. “The trial of the articles of impeachmen­t, if once preferred, can be conducted as well after the expiration of their term of office as before.”

No vote was then taken. Sam Houston was inaugurate­d as president on Dec. 13. Four days later, the House voted on whether to authorize a committee to draft formal articles of impeachmen­t. Speaker Anderson was among the 13 who voted in favor, while 25 opposed. Thus, impeachmen­t ended with a whimper.

This one example of a delayed presidenti­al impeachmen­t in no way resolves the validity of the practice. Of note, none of the few officials who have been subjected to such action after leaving office have seen the entire progressio­n of impeachmen­t in the House, a trial in the Senate and a guilty verdict.

Maybe this time. Then again, maybe not.

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