Houston Chronicle

Liberals should try being more humble

Nicholas Kristof says every time Democrats brandish wokeness and wag fingers or call people bigots, they manufactur­e more Republican­s.

- Kristof is a columnist for the New York Times.

The Trump years were a time of high passion, of moral certainty, of drawing lines in the sand, of despair at the ethical and intellectu­al vacuity of political foes. But now it’s time to recalibrat­e.

From my liberal point of view, Democrats were largely vindicated. From the Muslim ban to the separation of families at the border, from the mishandlin­g of the pandemic to the Capitol insurrecti­on, Democrats’ warnings aged well. Yet one of the perils in life is being proven right.

The risk is excessive admiration for one’s own brilliance, preening at one’s own righteousn­ess, and inordinate scorn for the jerks on the other side. It was the Republican­s’ hubris after the 1991 Gulf War — won in 100 hours — that led the GOP to march obliviousl­y into the catastroph­ic Iraq War a dozen years later.

Adam Grant, an organizati­onal psychologi­st at Wharton, has a smart new book out advising us to “Think Again,” in the words of his title. He explores in part what goes wrong when smart people are too righteous, and he offers a paean to intellectu­al humility.

Research finds that the best people at making prediction­s (did you know that there are prediction tournament­s?) aren’t those who are smartest but rather those who weigh evidence dispassion­ately and are willing to change their minds.

Likewise, math whizzes excel at interpreti­ng data — but only so long as the topic is banal, like skin rashes. A study found that when the topic was a hot one they cared about, like gun policy, they blundered. Passion swamped expertise.

There are a number of biases in play, including the “I’m not biased” bias. That’s when we believe we’re more objective than others, and it particular­ly traps intelligen­t people.

“These biases don’t just prevent us from applying our intelligen­ce,” Grant writes. “They can actually contort our intelligen­ce into a weapon against the truth. We find reasons to preach our faith more deeply, prosecute our case more passionate­ly, and ride the tidal wave of our political party.”

There’s reason to think that American men may be particular­ly vulnerable to this intellectu­al arrogance. In one study, teenagers around the world were asked to rate their mastery of 16 areas of math, including three that don’t exist: “declarativ­e fractions,” “proper numbers” and “subjunctiv­e scaling.” Those who boasted of their skill in nonexisten­t fields were disproport­ionately male, affluent and North American.

(I sense women and overseas readers of this column nodding sagely to themselves.)

I wonder if we liberals, having helped to preserve American democracy over the last four years, are getting cocky and self-righteous — and the boast in the first half of this sentence might be an example of that.

Both left and right often see the world, indignantl­y, through a tidy moral prism, but the world is messier than that.

After #MeToo, progressiv­es embraced the slogan “believe women” but struggled when a woman accused Joe Biden of sexual harassment. Some liberals embraced the slogan “defund the police” and hurt the election prospects of Democratic candidates who actually favored alternativ­e social spending. Moving further to the left, utopians in Seattle last year set up a six-block “nocop zone” that would be free of police violence, but the subsequent shootings there of six people in 10 days confirmed the value of the police. A much-read New York Times article last week chronicled how Smith College rushed to apologize and suspend a white janitor whom a Black student accused of racism; an investigat­ion found no basis for the accusation.

The world is complicate­d, and we should all be cautious about shoehornin­g facts into our ideologica­l constructs.

That’s one reason for intellectu­al humility: The search for truth is bumpy and complicate­d. My favorite philosophe­r, Sir Isaiah Berlin, emphasized that we’re fated to live in a world with competing and incommensu­rate values; that’s not terrain suitable for grandstand­ing.

Another reason to recalibrat­e is that if Democrats want to get things done, they need to win over undecided voters in swing states. And there’s evidence that preaching from the moral high ground alienates those voters. Biden seems to understand all this better than some others in his party: He gets that every time Democrats brandish their wokeness and wag fingers or call people bigots, they manufactur­e more Republican­s.

“Humility is often a more effective persuasive tool,” Grant told me.

Research suggests that what wins people over is listening, asking questions and appealing to their values, not your own. Grant cites evidence for “complexify­ing” issues so they become less binary and more nuanced, enabling someone on the other side to acknowledg­e areas of ambivalenc­e.

Researcher­s find that it is easier for people to reach agreement on difficult issues if they have been prepped to see the world as complicate­d and full of grays. It’s a painstakin­g, frustratin­g process of building trust, keeping people from becoming defensive, and slowly ushering them to a new place.

All this is tough to do after four traumatic and polarizing years, especially when fundamenta­l moral issues are at stake. But it’s precisely because the stakes are immense that we should try to learn from the science of persuasion and emphasize impact over performanc­e.

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