Houston Chronicle

Creatures concocted to protect power

A gerrymande­r’s sole purpose is to assure that one party dominates, voters’ wishes be damned.

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Consider the salamander, a fascinatin­g little amphibian that resembles a cross between a frog and a lizard. With slender, smooth-skinned bodies, stubby snouts and long tails, most species of salamander­s live undergroun­d in caves and aquifers. Most are about six inches long (except for the 6-foot-long Japanese giant salamander). They’re harmless, except for a gland on their neck that emits a foultastin­g, occasional­ly poisonous liquid when would-be predators presume to take a bite.

More than 600 species of salamander inhabit the earth, not including the species most often spotted in Texas — that is, the lab-created, predatory mutant called the gerrymande­r. Concocted by power-mad political scientists in thrall to the party in control of state government, the invasive species is designed solely to assure that the party in power — either Republican or Democrat — stays in power, the wishes of the voter be damned. Like the salamander, the gerrymande­r resists the light of day.

Gerrymande­rs appear every 10 years, in response to the release of U.S. Census population figures determinin­g the number of congressio­nal districts available to each state. A small — and, no doubt, grotesque — herd is in gestation at this very moment as the Texas Legislatur­e turns to its task of rearrangin­g boundaries for the U.S. House of Representa­tives, the Texas Legislatur­e and the State Board of Education. With Texas gaining two congressio­nal seats as a result of population gains recorded by the 2020 Census, the gerrymande­r will be in the news regularly during the next few months. And rightly so.

The census reflects a reality we’ve been living with for at least the past decade. The center of gravity for a nation long dominated by the Northeast and the Midwest has shifted southward, to Texas and other Sunbelt states.

It’s hardly an exaggerati­on to say that as Texas goes, so goes the nation. A larger Texas

congressio­nal delegation means not only more seats at the federal table, and more money, but also an opportunit­y to show representa­tive democracy at work. Demographi­cally, Texas has changed drasticall­y during the past decade as the state heads toward majority-minority status. Redistrict­ing is supposed to reflect those changes.

That’s where the creature called the gerrymande­r comes into play. Unlike its namesake, the gerrymande­r is a shapeshift­er, depending on the needs of the party empowered to do the drawing of district lines on a map. A gerrymande­r might have a slender body, stubby snout and long tail as it curves around neighborho­ods and cuts through counties, or it might rely on freakishly long legs, a bobbed tail and a bulbous body to encompass the areas where the desired voters live. For a particular­ly hideous example, look at the 2nd Congressio­nal District, held by Dan Crenshaw, a Houston Republican. With its spadeshape­d

head, attenuated trunk and crooked tail, the 2nd District gerrymande­r resembles a monster from a ’50s-era Japanese horror movie.

Salamander­s have managed to survive for eons; gerrymande­rs are almost as hardy and adaptable. Lawmakers who rely on their utility zealously guard their well-being. The U.S. Supreme Court handles them as delicately as an endangered species, despite the bad taste — indeed, the poison — they transmit to the body politic. Although racist gerrymande­ring is still illegal — sorry, Texas! — the high court in June upheld the practice of gerrymande­ring by one party for the sole purpose of protecting its partisan hegemony.

It’s not just the gerrymande­r’s torturous curvature that’s offensive. In a democracy, the people are charged with electing their representa­tives. Our unnatural reliance on gerrymande­rs gets it backward: Representa­tives get to choose their people, their voters. Relying on increasing­ly

sophistica­ted technology to tailor-shape their gerrymande­rs, members of the majority party stretching district appendages with God-like precision to create the right amalogomat­ion of voters to increase the likelihood of Republican victory. The true aim of redistrict­ing — ensuring that everyone is fairly represente­d — gives way to a partisan scheme to enhance the political power of one group often at the expense of another.

Gerrymande­rs have been useful little creatures since they were first concocted in 1812 to protect the power of Massachuse­tts Gov. Eldridge Gerry’s Democrat-Republican Party. Thanks to the gerrymande­r, a portmantea­u word created by a poet named Richard Alsop, Gerry’s party won more state senate seats, even though the Federalist opposition garnered more votes statewide.

Texas lawmakers, regardless of party, have been enthusiast­ic gerrymande­rers for decades. Voters would have to pry lawmakers’ district-drawing power from their cold, dead hands, but some states have done just that. They have establishe­d nonpartisa­n redistrict­ing commission­s to draw boundaries that reflect population changes and election fairness, not partisan power. In years past, former state Sen. Jeff Wentworth, a San Antonio Republican, tried for years to persuade his fellow lawmakers to establish a redistrict­ing commission for Texas. He got nowhere. A similar state-level effort would be even more quixotic today.

We must look to Washington, where House Democrats last month passed House Resolution 1, comprehens­ive votingrefo­rm legislatio­n that would require each state to use independen­t commission­s, not self-interested lawmakers, to approve newly drawn districts. The commission would include five Republican­s, five Democrats and five independen­ts. Lawmakers would be ineligible to serve. The legislatio­n’s chances in the Senate are 50-50, literally.

Even if President Joe Biden has the opportunit­y to sign HR 1 into law, a redistrict­ing commission would not do its work for another decade. What Texans can do now is pay attention to the process. House Bill 3112, the Texas Redistrict­ing Transparen­cy Act, would establish requiremen­ts for transparen­cy, public informatio­n and public involvemen­t. In a state with a regrettabl­e history of ignoring minority voting rights and fairly apportione­d districts — Texas has violated the Voting Rights Act in every redistrict­ing cycle since 1970 with racially gerrymande­red districts — these basic rules, spelled out, are necessary.

Someday, perhaps, the gerrymande­r will meet its welldeserv­ed fate: Extinction. Meanwhile, Texas voters must insist that lawmakers do their work in the open. Salamander­s can hide in the depths of darkness, but representa­tives of the people can’t. Their carefully concocted, grotesquel­y shaped gerrymande­rs must be hauled to the surface, into the bright light of day.

 ?? Elizabeth Conley / Staff file photo ?? Salamander­s have managed to survive for eons, and gerrymande­rs are almost as adaptable. Gerrymande­rs appear every 10 years, in response to the release of U.S. Census population figures determinin­g the number of congressio­nal districts available to each state.
Elizabeth Conley / Staff file photo Salamander­s have managed to survive for eons, and gerrymande­rs are almost as adaptable. Gerrymande­rs appear every 10 years, in response to the release of U.S. Census population figures determinin­g the number of congressio­nal districts available to each state.

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