Imperial Valley Press

Political reality: Congress can’t save — or end — abortion

- BY LISA MASCARO AP Congressio­nal Correspond­ent

WASHINGTON (AP) — After fighting for decades over abortion policy, Congress is about to run into the stark political limits of its ability to save — or end — the Roe v. Wade protection­s.

President Joe Biden has called on Democrats to enshrine the nearly 50-yearold Supreme Court ruling into law after the disclosure of a draft opinion that would overturn the landmark decision that declared a constituti­onal right to abortion services.

But passing bills is easier said than done in the narrowly split Congress — reflective of a deeply divided nation.

A test vote Wednesday in the Senate on a Democratic bill to protect access to abortions is expected to fail, blocked by a Republican-led filibuster.

At the same time, Republican­s led by Sen. Mitch McConnell face similar political problems trying to ban abortions nationwide, even if they wrest control of the chamber in next fall’s midterm elections.

Instead, whatever the Supreme Court decides on Roe v. Wade in its final opinion this summer almost guarantees a new era of political fighting in Congress over abortion policy, filibuster rules and the most basic rights to health care, privacy and protecting the unborn.

“All of us will have to answer for this vote for the rest of our time in public office,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer ahead of Wednesday’s action.

In recent years, abortion access debates in many ways have come to a standstill in Congress, a political draw, as lawmakers faced the limits of trying to move public policy beyond the historic Roe v. Wade court decision. Bills would routinely come up for votes — to expand or limit abortion services — only to fall along typically party line votes or be stripped out of broader legislativ­e packages.

But the Supreme Court’s conservati­ve 6-3 majority, solidified during the Trump era, has ignited an urgent shift to the forefront in Congress.

McConnell stunned Washington when he said “it’s possible” to see a national abortion ban.

The Republican leader has been a key architect of the Supreme Court’s solid conservati­ve majority, engineerin­g rapid-fire confirmati­on of three of Donald Trump’s nominees in just four years and changing Senate filibuster rules to push past Democratic objections.

In an interview with USA Today, McConnell recently said, “If the leaked opinion became the final opinion, legislativ­e bodies — not only at the state level but at the federal level — certainly could legislate in that area.”

But on Tuesday McConnell acknowledg­ed that if Republican­s become the majority in the Senate they still are unlikely to have enough votes to ban abortion outright.

“The widespread sentiment in my conference is this issue will be dealt with at the state level,” McConnell said. He said Republican­s won’t have the 60 votes needed to overcome a filibuster.

Likewise, Democrat Brian Schatz of Hawaii said for the other side, “I think we have to be explicit and tell the truth, which is, we don’t currently have the votes.” Still, he said hopefully that if voters elect more senators who favor abortion rights, “we will put this into federal law.”

Both parties face enormous pressure to convince voters they are doing all they can — the Democrats working to preserve abortion access and the Republican­s to end it — as they race toward fall when control of Congress is at stake in the elections.

The congressio­nal campaign committees are fundraisin­g off the abortion issue, and working furiously to energize voters who are already primed to engage when such a long-running and important issue for millions of Americans is at stake.

The two Republican senators who support abortion access — Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who faces her own reelection in November, and Susan Collins of Maine — have proposed a separate bill that would counter the Supreme Court’s action.

But both senators, who voted to confirm most of Trump’s justices, are expected to stick with the Republican Party this week and block the Democratic bill as too broad.

At the same time, Democrats have largely panned the Collins-Murkowski effort as insufficie­nt, leaving no hopes, for now, of any compromise.

And rank-and-file Republican­s distanced themselves from McConnell’s initial remarks, saying an all- out national ban on abortions is not something they can deliver.

“The reality is is that you would never get that done here,” said Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D.

Democrats are unconvince­d that Republican­s, who have fought for years to deny abortion services, would give that fight up now and let the states decide.

Democrats believe Republican­s are “running scared,” Schumer said, afraid of what they have unleashed, with polls showing most Americans want to preserve some access to abortion.

It was McConnell who blocked Barack Obama’s choice of Merrick Garland to fill a Supreme Court vacancy at the start of the 2016 presidenti­al campaign, leaving the seat open for Trump to fill after he won the White House.

And even though McConnell insisted Tuesday there is “zero” interest among Republican­s to change Senate filibuster rules to make it easier to pass an abortion ban, it was the GOP leader who orchestrat­ed the Senate rules change to allow 51vote threshold to confirm Supreme Court nominees.

“Republican­s have worked day in and day out for decades on end to overturn Roe v. Wade,” said Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash.

More likely is that both parties will try to chip away at the issue — Republican­s tightening access to abortion at the national level, while Democrats work to shore up the availabili­ty of medicinal abortions and other related services.

“There are multiple fronts we can move on,” said Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass.

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