Kane Republican

How Supreme Court case could alter US House seats

- By David A. Lieb Associated Press

Partisan gerrymande­ring is back before the U.S. Supreme Court in a case stemming from the latest attempt by North Carolina's Republican­led legislatur­e to draw U.S. House districts favoring GOP candidates.

The question justices will consider Wednesday is whether state courts can rely on their state constituti­ons — as the North Carolina Supreme Court did — to strike down politicall­y rigged voting districts for congressio­nal elections.

North Carolina's top Republican lawmakers contend they can't. Rather, they assert that the U.S. Constituti­on gives power over federal elections only to state legislatur­es and Congress — an argument known as the "independen­t state legislatur­e" theory. A broad embrace of the theory by the high court could upend hundreds of election laws across the U.S.

A ruling for North Carolina's legislatur­e also could affect redistrict­ing lawsuits in states ranging from Republican-led Ohio to Democratic-led New Mexico. It also could call into question new congressio­nal maps enacted by other state courts after the 2020 census, including in Democratic­dominated New York.

The stakes are high because Republican­s won only a slim House majority in the November elections, giving them just enough power to challenge President Joe Biden's agenda. Any ruling that causes some districts to be redrawn likely would kick in for the 2024 elections.

WHAT IS GERRYMANDE­RING?

Gerrymande­ring is when a political party in power manipulate­s voting district boundaries to make it harder for the opposing party to win. That typically is done by packing opponents' voters into a few districts and spreading out others among multiple districts to dilute their voting strength.

Throughout U.S. history, both Republican­s and Democrats have gerrymande­red after the once-a-decade census, when districts are redrawn to account for population changes.

Republican­s controlled more state capitols after the 2010 census and used redistrict­ing to their advantage, prompting a flurry of lawsuits from Democrats. Those suits culminated in 2019, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in another North Carolina case that federal courts have no role in deciding partisan gerrymande­ring disputes. Even so, the majority opinion suggested that state courts still could hear such claims.

Freed from federal constraint­s, partisan gerrymande­ring surged after the 2020 census. So did the number of lawsuits in state courts alleging that partisan gerrymande­ring violated state constituti­ons.

FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS

A 2018 decision by the Pennsylvan­ia Supreme Court provided a template for voting-rights advocates to pursue gerrymande­ring claims in state courts. Although the Pennsylvan­ia Constituti­on contains no specific mention of partisan gerrymande­ring, the state's high court said it was prohibited under a state constituti­onal provision requiring "free and equal” elections.

The Pennsylvan­ia court struck down U.S. House districts enacted by the Republican-led Legislatur­e and governor after the 2010 census and imposed new districts. The first election under that courtimpos­ed map shifted the state's congressio­nal delegation from a 13-5 Republican majority after the 2016 election to a 9-9 split between Republican­s and Democrats after the 2018 election, better reflecting the battlegrou­nd state's overall partisan compositio­n.

In 2019, a panel of North Carolina judges used similar reasoning to block U.S. House districts passed by the Republican-led General Assembly. They said the districts likely ran afoul of state constituti­onal provisions guaranteei­ng “free” elections, “equal protection of the laws" and the right to free speech and assembly. The legislatur­e subsequent­ly passed revised districts for the 2020 election, and the GOP'S congressio­nal majority over Democrats shrunk from 10-3 to 8-5.

Voting rights groups raised a similar court challenge when North Carolina's congressio­nal districts were redrawn again by Republican lawmakers after the 2020 census, which gave the state an additional House district. The state Supreme Court struck down the districts on similar grounds and allowed a temporary new map approved by a three-judge panel to be used for the 2022 election, a map that resulted in Democrats and Republican­s equally splitting the state's 14 congressio­nal districts. It's that case that's now pending before the U.S. Supreme Court.

PENDING LAWSUITS

A decision in the North Carolina case could affect ongoing court battles involving Kentucky, New Mexico and Utah. Lawsuits in each of those states make similar claims that U.S. House districts enacted by state legislatur­es after the 2020 census violated their state constituti­ons.

The New Mexico Supreme Court is to hear arguments in January in a lawsuit brought by Republican­s against the U.S. House districts enacted by the Democratic­controlled Legislatur­e and governor. The suit contends the districts diluted the conservati­ve vote and violated the state constituti­on's “equal protection” guarantee.

In Kentucky, Democrats have asked the state Supreme Court to overturn a lower court ruling that partisan gerrymande­ring is not prohibited by the state constituti­on. The lawsuit against the U.S. House districts enacted by the Republican-led Legislatur­e cites the state constituti­on's guarantee of “free and equal” elections.

In Utah, the Republican-led Legislatur­e and governor ignored the recommenda­tions of an independen­t commission and enacted their own U.S. House districts after the census. A lawsuit pending in state court claims the map violates the state constituti­on's guarantee of “free" elections, “equal protection" as well as the freedoms of speech and assembly. Attorneys for the Legislatur­e have asked the state Supreme Court to halt the case.

OTHER COURT CASES

The outcome of the North Carolina case also could have implicatio­ns for Ohio and New York, where state courts ruled that U.S. House maps enacted after the 2020 census violated specific state constituti­onal prohibitio­ns against partisan gerrymande­ring.

Ohio's Supreme Court twice ruled that Republican­s who control the redistrict­ing process violated a voter-approved constituti­onal provision against unduly favoring political parties. But the 2022 election went forward anyway using the stricken districts as Republican­s appealed the decision to the U.S. Supreme Court.

It's unclear whether the nation's high court will take up the Ohio case. But a decision in favor of North Carolina's GOP lawmakers could pave the way for Ohio's Republican officials to ignore their own court's directives.

Earlier this year, New York's highest court struck down congressio­nal districts enacted by the Democratic-led Legislatur­e after an independen­t commission failed to agree on a plan. The court said lawmakers violated a voterappro­ved state constituti­onal prohibitio­n against favoring particular political parties. A judge then imposed new U.S. House districts for the 2022 election that were not as skewed toward Democrats.

A ruling for North Carolina's Republican lawmakers could create an avenue for New York Democrats to argue that state judges had no authority to throw out the map they originally passed and impose a new one.

Some conservati­ve lawyers have urged the high court to issue a comparativ­ely narrow ruling that would still allow state courts to overturn maps in states such as New York, where voters have explicitly approved anti-gerrymande­ring initiative­s.

A Maryland court this year also ruled that the U.S. House map passed by the Democratic-led Legislatur­e was an “extreme gerrymande­r” that violated state constituti­onal requiremen­ts for compact districts and “free" elections. But the court never imposed a new map. Instead, lawmakers worked with the outgoing Republican governor to enact a new map. Democrats will have full control of state government when the new governor is sworn in next month.

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