Las Vegas Review-Journal (Sunday)

‘Lock her up’ is dangerous rhetoric

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The second presidenti­al debate — bloody, muddy and raucous — was just enough to save Donald Trump’s campaign from extinction, but not enough to restore his chances of winning, barring an act of God (a medical calamity) or of Putin (a cosmically incriminat­ing WikiLeak).

That Trump crashed because of a sex-talk tape is odd. It should have been a surprise to no one. His views on women have been on open display for years.

And he’d offered a dazzling array of other reasons for disqualifi­cation: habitual mendacity, pathologic­al narcissism, profound ignorance and an astonishin­g dearth of basic human empathy.

To which list Trump added in the second debate, and it had nothing to do with sex. It was his threat, if elected, to put Hillary Clinton in jail.

After appointing a special prosecutor, of course. The niceties must be observed. First, a fair trial, then a proper hanging. The day after the debate at a rally in Pennsylvan­ia, Trump responded to chants of “lock her up,” with “Lock her up is right.” Two days later, he told a rally in Lakeland, Fla., “She has to go to jail.”

Such incendiary talk is an affront to elementary democratic decency and a breach of the boundaries of American political discourse.

In democracie­s, the electoral process is a subtle and elaborate substitute for combat, the ageold way of settling struggles for power.

But that sublimatio­n works only if there is mutual agreement to accept both the legitimacy of the result (which Trump keeps underminin­g with charges that the very process is “rigged”) and the boundaries of the contest.

The prize for the winner is temporary accession to limited political power, not the satisfacti­on of vendettas. Vladimir Putin, Hugo Chavez and a cavalcade of two-bit caudillos lock up their opponents. American leaders don’t.

One doesn’t even talk like this. It takes decades, centuries, to develop ingrained norms of political restraint and self-control. But they can be undone in short order by a demagogue feeding a vengeful populism.

This is not to say that the investigat­ion into the Clinton emails was not itself compromise­d by politics. FBI director James Comey’s recommenda­tion not to pursue charges was both troubling and puzzling.

And Barack Obama very improperly tilted the scales by interjecti­ng, while the investigat­ion was still underway, that Clinton’s emails had not endangered national security.

But the answer is not to start a new process whose outcome is preordaine­d.

Conservati­ves have relentless­ly, and correctly, criticized this administra­tion for abusing its power and suborning the civil administra­tion (e.g., the IRS). Is the Republican response to do the same?

Wasn’t presidenti­al overreach one of the major charges against Obama by the anti-establishm­ent GOP candidates? Wasn’t the animating spirit of the entire tea party movement the restoratio­n of constituti­onal limits and restraints?

In America, we don’t persecute political opponents. Which is why we retroactiv­ely honor Gerald Ford for his pardon of Richard Nixon, for which, at the time, Ford was widely reviled. It ultimately cost him the presidency. Nixon

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