Las Vegas Review-Journal (Sunday)

In defense of (good) partisansh­ip

- E.J. Dionne E.J. Dionne is a columnist for The Washington Post.

If we want our democratic system to work well again, we need to put aside lazy intellectu­al habits that misdiagnos­e the problems we face. Few mistakes are more destructiv­e to the right ordering of American politics than misunderst­andings of “partisansh­ip.”

What we get wrong is casting all forms of partisansh­ip as destructiv­e.

In fact, political parties and a reasoned loyalty to them are essential to the functionin­g of a democratic system. At their best, parties organize conflict and channel it down constructi­ve paths. In any healthy society, people will disagree about what they value most — think, for starters, about relative priority of liberty, equality and community. Even when they agree on values, citizens will differ over which policies will best advance them.

Disagreeme­nt is one of the joys of freedom.

In her book “On the Side of the Angels: An Appreciati­on of Parties and Partisansh­ip,” the political philosophe­r Nancy L. Rosenblum notes that partisans accept “pluralism and political conflict” as a positive good. Partisans, she writes, “see themselves as firmly on the side of the angels,” but acknowledg­e their partiality. This encourages them to embrace both “political self-restraint” and “mental and emotional discipline.”

And that gets at our problem now — not partisansh­ip as such, but a flight from those discipline­s. And while you are free to accuse me of partisansh­ip, I’d insist that what is happening in the Republican Party is objectivel­y a grave threat to the proper functionin­g of the party system.

Functional partisansh­ip demands, at the bare minimum, commitment­s to abide by the results of free elections, to tell the truth about those elections, and to offer all citizens equal opportunit­ies to participat­e in the electoral process.

Large sections of the Republican Party, led by former President Donald Trump, are failing on all three. Trump and a majority of self-identified members of his party have still not accepted President Joe Biden’s election. At least as bad is the refusal by a large number of Republican­s still serving in government to say the simple words: “Biden won fair and square.”

The shameful squirming of Rep. Steve Scalise, R-La., recently on ABC’s “This Week” was just the latest example of a Trump supporter refusing to repudiate his Big Lie.

The best Scalise could do was to say of

Biden that “once the electors are counted, yes, he’s the legitimate president.” Scalise then flipped into a lot of folderol about doubts about the election, including the assertion that “there are people concerned about what the next election is going to look like. Are we going to finally get back to the way the rule of law works?”

Scalise’s “get back to” stuff is double talk to rationaliz­e the efforts of Republican­s in Georgia and elsewhere to roll back advances during the pandemic that made it easier for Americans to vote. Some of the GOP moves (such as getting rid of Sunday voting) are designed specifical­ly to disempower Black voters.

Stopping these attacks on participat­ion will require action by Congress through the provisions of the democracy reform bill the House is expected to pass soon, and a renewal of the Voting Rights Act gutted by Supreme Court conservati­ves.

Voting rights were once a cross-party cause, but no longer. Yet if basic constituti­onal guarantees can only pass by a “partisan” vote (and by pushing back against the filibuster), are we supposed to abandon them because they fail to meet some “bipartisan” golden mean?

Of course not, and former Rep. Tom Perriello, D-Va., explains why. “The unity America needs is not between two parties but among all of those who are committed to inclusive democracy governed by the Constituti­on, fair elections, and the rule of law,” he writes in Democracy (a journal with which I have a long associatio­n). “Ironically today, these values are considered universal but not bipartisan.”

The best kind of partisansh­ip, based on those universal values, promotes fierce but constructi­ve arguments. It acknowledg­es that in a good society, most political difference­s involve not a choice between good versus evil, but among competing goods — efficiency, security, entreprene­urship, fairness, individual­ism and solidarity, to name a few. Compromise (along with, yes, bipartisan­ship) is easier when we’re honest about the trade-offs we’re making.

But that brand of democratic partisansh­ip requires agreement on certain fundamenta­ls, not the least being a shared commitment to truth and a willingnes­s to let the voters decide — all the voters, not an electorate rigged through voter suppressio­n.

So our fight should not be against partisansh­ip. It should be in favor of rehabilita­ting the vibrant and honest partisansh­ip on which democracy depends.

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