Las Vegas Review-Journal (Sunday)

Why Colorado’s Western Slope likely remains Lauren Boebert country

- By Conrad Swanson

CRAIG, Colo. – Steam rises from the coal-fired Craig Station power plant, pickup trucks filter in and out of the Trapper Mine southwest of town and Bob Seger drifts over the radio waves.

Here in northwest Colorado, where the mountains and foothills give way to rocky mesas, signs and banners pledging support to U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert’s reelection campaign dot the landscape alongside the sagebrush and lichen.

Those signs aren’t limited to front lawns or gateway signs for farms and ranches. They’re plastered inside windows of downtown auto parts stores, embroidery shops and western boutiques, next to life-sized cutouts of Jesus and American flags.

This is Boebert country.

Since sweeping into office nearly two years ago in a massive upset ousting incumbent Republican Rep. Scott Tipton, Boebert has become a national figure, a conservati­ve firebrand and controvers­ial even within her own party. She’s known for her vehement pro-gun stances, her support for former President Donald Trump and her small-government and Christian nationalis­t rhetoric.

Like Trump, Boebert has repeatedly shared baseless conspiracy theories about the 2020 election. To date, she has neither acknowledg­ed that President Joe Biden legitimate­ly won the election (he did) or said that she’ll accept the results of the 2022 midterms even if she loses.

Yet most expect Boebert to win a second term in Congress. Voters across her sprawling district – covering the Western Slope and as far east and north as Pueblo – say the congresswo­man enjoys widespread support. She easily fended off a primary challenge from former state Sen. Don Coram in June and appears likely to coast past Democratic challenger Adam Frisch on Nov. 8.

Why?

Voters throughout her district told The Denver Post they appreciate that Boebert is a loud voice for conservati­ve values. They like and relate to her unpolished and blunt demeanor. She’s standing up for at-risk religious freedoms and gun rights, they say.

They shrug off the string of controvers­ies trailing behind the far-right congresswo­man and say she’s an equal and opposite reaction to progressiv­e liberal voices like those of U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-cortez or Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi. The Democratic Party is no stranger to controvers­y either, they’ll note.

Voters from Pueblo, Hotchkiss, Hayden and Craig say they see their own values reflected in the congresswo­man. They know that people in Denver, Boulder or across the rest of the country might not understand that connection due to America’s ever-widening urban-rural divide.

Even some Republican­s who dislike the congresswo­man, saying she’s ill-equipped for the job and out to enrich herself, still plan to vote for her in November.

“You could hold a gun to my head and I will never vote for a Democrat,” Ray Langston, of Montrose, said. “A half-assed Republican is always better than a Democrat.”

Boebert spokesman Ben Stout said the congresswo­man would not agree to an interview for this story because The Post attempted to contact her husband after police were called on him in July.

A lot of bluster

Political conversati­ons in downtown Craig draw the attention of anyone within earshot and, just as often as not, people start to congregate.

The owner and operator of a downtown embroidery shop didn’t want to speak on the record about his support for Boebert but his comments caught Lisa Zirkle’s ear.

Zirkle speaks with a subtle southern accent, she’s a Dallas native but has lived in Colorado for the past 25 years. With a wry smile, Zirkle said that Boebert, like Trump, represents a “club” to the political establishm­ent.

Like the vast majority of her first-term Republican and Democratic colleagues in Congress, Boebert has yet to pass a single piece of legislatio­n. None of her 39 proposed laws have made it to the House floor.

And that’s OK, Zirkle said. It’s her voice, her platform that counts.

“Maybe her point is not to pass legislatio­n so much as to create a climate where people don’t trust people who are untrustwor­thy,” she said.

On Twitter and in person Boebert often criticizes the country’s rampant inflation and skyrocketi­ng grocery and utility bills. She blames Biden and Pelosi. She frequently mentions a “con game” that Pelosi runs in Congress and still mentions former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton as “the most corrupt human being to ever walk planet earth.”

Boebert warns of widespread crime and illegal immigratio­n while pushing to defend Second Amendment gun rights.

Langston said the congresswo­man’s remarks mostly amount to a lot of bluster, though. Not only has Boebert alienated Democratic colleagues – she’d only need a few votes from across the aisle to pass a law, he says often – but she’s increasing­ly unlikely to find cooperatio­n within the Republican Party as well.

She’s insulted too many people in Congress, Langston said. And a representa­tive who can’t pass laws doesn’t offer much substance.

“I’m a meat and potatoes guy and I want something more than a salad,” he said.

Just west of Hotchkiss, Kaylee Armstrong measures small but perfectly ripe organic strawberri­es into individual containers to sell on the side of Colorado Highway 92. Armstrong nods in satisfacti­on when discussing Boebert and said she loves the congresswo­man.

Boebert is willing to call out corruption in Washington, D.C., and speak on behalf of the country’s conservati­ve voters, Armstrong said.

“She’s not afraid to stand up for what she believes in,” Armstrong said. “She actually stands up for our rights.”

Armstrong said the country is in decline and she’s particular­ly concerned about religious liberties.

“If it’s this bad now, what’s it going to look like in 20 years?” she said. “I’m terrified.”

Some on the Front Range might laugh at the concerns, Zirkle said, but they’re very real issues to rural Coloradans.

In the early days of the pandemic, state officials prohibited in-person gatherings with more than 10 people, including in churches. Many rural Coloradans understood this to be a government effort to limit where and how people could practice their religion, Zirkle said.

Those orders also forced large and small businesses alike to close, many of which never reopened, Zirkle said. Another government encroachme­nt hurting entreprene­urs, she said.

Colorado legislator­s in 2013 banned gun magazines that can hold more than 15 rounds and in 2019 they also passed a red flag law allowing police to seize weapons from those reported as a possible danger to the public. Zirkle mentioned both laws, noting that she has complicate­d feelings about them but also that many see the moves as an effort of government officials to curtail gun rights.

What’s next for religious institutio­ns, small businesses or gun owners, Zirkle asked. Where does it stop?

At every step, Boebert’s spoken on behalf of rural Coloradans fearful of losing those personal freedoms, Zirkle said.

The congresswo­man’s strategy is an effective one, Justin Gobble, a political scientist with Colorado Mesa University, said. She’s taken a few issues that resonate at the local level and amplified them to a national audience.

This helps her connect with constituen­ts, Gobble said.

Plus, Boebert often speaks in defense of the energy industry, especially Colorado’s oil and gas sector, which employs a substantia­l chunk of people throughout the district, Meek said. Should the country switch to renewable energy overnight – as it appears many national Democrats want – communitie­s like Craig will suffer greatly.

“Democrats have no regard for that, they’re not going to stand up for my community,” Meek said. “Everybody knows a coal miner who lost their job. Everybody knows someone who works at the power plant, or is related to someone who works at the plant.”

Gobble added that Boebert’s strategy works on a larger scale, too, by widening her national reach, connecting her to conservati­ves across the country and strengthen­ing her fundraisin­g base. That money helps fend off any who might look to unseat the congresswo­man.

The strategy works on social media as well as on cable.

Since taking office, Boebert has appeared on conservati­ve news channels nearly 80 times, according to data compiled by the left-leaning nonprofit Media Matters for America, which investigat­es right-wing news channels.

The data underscore­s a trend that conservati­ve legislator­s increasing­ly act more like conservati­ve news hosts rather than policy wonks, Matt Gertz, a senior fellow with Media Matters, said.

“There are people, Like Boebert, (Georgia’s U.S. Rep.) Marjorie Taylor Green or (Florida’s U.S. Rep.) Matt Gaetz who get their jobs because they’re attuned to the cultural grievances of the right-wing media,” Gertz said. “They aren’t really in office to legislate or provide constituen­t services.”

Appearing on shows like “Fox and Friends,” “Jesse Watters Primetime” or “The Ingraham Angle,” Boebert has discussed topics like carrying a gun in dangerous cities, accused Democrats of “muzzling children” and being the party of cancel culture, Media Matters’ dataset shows.

“It’s hyper-aggressive tweets, throwing red meat to the base,” Gertz said.

And it works. To date, Boebert has surpassed 2 million Twitter followers, split between two accounts, and raised more than $5.6 million for her reelection campaign, more than twice the amount raised by her Democratic opponent, federal campaign finance records show.

‘What else was in the bill?’

If Boebert amounts to an atypical congresswo­man, she also has a unique voting history in Congress.

Boebert voted against the Honoring our PACT Act which would provide health care and other resources to veterans exposed to toxic substances during their service. That bill passed the House with 222 Democrats and 34 Republican­s voting in favor and 174 Republican­s voting against it. She was one of 21 House Republican­s that voted against awarding Congressio­nal Gold Medals to police officers who defended the U.S. Capitol from Jan. 6 insurrecti­onists and one of 18 Republican lawmakers who voted against Finland and Sweden joining NATO after the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Boebert was also one of two votes against the TRANSPLANT Act, which reauthoriz­ed the National Marrow Donor Program. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene was the only other vote in the House against the bill. And she was one of eight votes against the Protecting Seniors from Emergency Scams Act.

At a debate in Grand Junction, she called that bill a “blank check” and part of “Pelosi’s con games.”

Robert Leveringto­n, chairman of the Pueblo County Republican Party, quickly dismisses the congresswo­man’s voting record. Often large bills are a way for Democrats to sneak in unrelated and harmful legislatio­n, he said.

“What else was in the bill?” Leveringto­n asked.

Langston calls foul, however. “That moral high ground bulls— doesn’t sit well with me. That’s when you sit down, roll up your sleeves and work it out,” Langston said.

The demographi­cs of the district’s residents likely mirror Boebert’s base, according to Tucker Richmond, owner and operator of the Way Out West Trading Co. in Craig. They’re white (75% of the district), they’re older (median age is 42 years old) and they tend to be blue-collar or working class (median household income is $63,601).

Boebert connects especially well with the working class voters, Richmond said.

“Very genuine, very kind,” he said. “You can tell when she talks to people it’s not a face she’s putting on.”

Her voter base is also overwhelmi­ngly Christian, Richmond said, his floral-patterned shirt with mother-of-pearl buttons tucked into jeans and secured behind a belt buckle announcing “Jesus Christ is lord.”

That religious aspect lends a moral backing to Boebert’s personalit­y, he said quoting Nietzsche’s “God is dead” philosophy. Without that religious backing, who decides what’s right and wrong, he asked.

“In God we trust,” Richmond said. “If we’re not going to do it with him then we’re not going to do it at all.”

Multiple social, political and religious experts have said that Boebert’s repeated calls for a religious takeover of America amount to Christian nationalis­m and threaten the country’s democratic foundation­s. But they also acknowledg­e that the rhetoric lands well with her voter base.

Voters throughout the district are quick to dismiss allegation­s made against Boebert. She’s been accused of cashing in on large amounts of mileage reimbursem­ents from her own campaign (more than $22,000 for reportedly driving 39,000 miles) and failing to disclose that her husband made $480,000 working as a consultant for an oil and gas firm.

Zirkle said she doesn’t mind the payments and doesn’t believe the congresswo­man is in office to enrich herself. But Langston disagrees.

“The only person who has benefitted from her being in Congress is her. She’s getting rich and famous,” Langston said. “She’s stumping for her next job.”

“Maybe her point is not to pass legislatio­n so much as to create a climate where people don’t trust people who are untrustwor­thy.”

Lisa Zirkle, Craig, Colo. resident and supporter of Rep. Lauren Boebert

 ?? J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE / ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-colo., speaks to reporters as members of the House Second Amendment Caucus criticize a series of Democratic measure to curb gun violence at the Capitol in Washington in June.
J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE / ASSOCIATED PRESS Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-colo., speaks to reporters as members of the House Second Amendment Caucus criticize a series of Democratic measure to curb gun violence at the Capitol in Washington in June.

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