Las Vegas Review-Journal

High court abortion case could be game-changer

Or, Missisippi case could leave both sides disappoint­ed

- Jonah Goldberg is editorin-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @Jonahdispa­tch.

THE Supreme Court recently announced it will take up Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organizati­on, a challenge to a Mississipp­i law that all but bans abortions after 15 weeks. It’s the first case in years that could result in the overturnin­g of Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 ruling that, along with a companion case, Doe v. Bolton, legalized abortion on demand everywhere in the country.

A ruling probably won’t come until next summer, which is plenty of time for everyone to lose their minds.

The outright overturnin­g of Roe is just one possibilit­y, and not necessaril­y the most likely. David French, my colleague at The Dispatch and a prominent lawyer and court watcher, argues that the most likely outcome is a narrower ruling that upholds Dobbs without fully overturnin­g Roe. This, French writes, would establish a “new standard that permits greater abortion regulation without explicitly permitting abortion bans.” It’s anyone’s guess what that standard would be, but one possibilit­y is keeping abortion fully legal in the first trimester while permitting states to impose greater restrictio­ns afterwards.

For ardent abortion-rights activists, this would be a massive setback and would be denounced as a calamity. But since roughly 90 percent of abortions are performed in the first trimester, one could argue that it would go a long way toward making the right to most abortions more constituti­onally and politicall­y secure than ever before. If so, pro-life activists might be just as mad as their pro-choice opponents.

Of course, pro-lifers would be even angrier if the Supreme Court, now with six conservati­ve justices, overturned Dobbs and upheld Roe entirely. But that seems unlikely given that the court took up the case in the first place.

I think Roe should be overturned because it was a fatally flawed constituti­onal ruling. Reasonable people can disagree on that — though finding reasonable disagreeme­nt when it comes to these issues is pretty rare.

But I think overturnin­g

Roe or simply upholding Dobbs and setting a tighter standard would be good for the country politicall­y and culturally. Even the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg was troubled by the “breathtaki­ng” sweep of Roe, which imposed an abortion-on-demand regime across the country and essentiall­y created the prolife movement. If the court had been more “measured” (RBG’S word), states would have been able to work out more reasonable and more politicall­y secure regulation­s, avoiding the backlash Roe ignited.

Abortion is just one fault

line, albeit a huge one, in the tectonic political and cultural stresses our country faces. But it’s also emblematic of them. Fights over the Supreme Court are so grotesque because the institutio­ns that were designed to handle political fights aren’t doing their job. The courts weren’t intended to craft political compromise­s. They certainly weren’t intended to pick winners and losers in policy fights for the whole country, at least not the policy fights that are properly hammered out by legislatur­es and elections. Justices aren’t monarchs.

The same holds for the presidency, too. At least the president is elected. But for decades, presidents have increasing­ly legislated from the Oval Office through executive orders and administra­tive gimmicks. When a president from the other party comes in, he feels obligated to reverse the previous president’s diktats and then issue his own.

The rise of populism on the right and the left is a direct result of people feeling as if the decisions affecting their lives — or reflecting their values — are made by politician­s, judges and bureaucrat­s.

Abortion advocates, and even some abortion opponents, make it sound as if overturnin­g Roe is synonymous with banning abortions outright. That wouldn’t happen. Instead, the power to regulate abortion would fall back to the states, but also Congress to some extent. If that happened, abortion would remain legal in states where abortion rights are popular, such as California and New York.

Yes, it might be banned or severely curtailed in places such as Mississipp­i. I can understand why abortion rights advocates would find that dismaying, just as I can understand why opponents would find, say, California’s post-roe system appalling.

But here’s the thing: Those people could make their case. They could campaign for politician­s who agree with them, and those politician­s could hammer out compromise­s with politician­s who don’t. It could get ugly, but it would be healthier than what we have now.

 ?? JONAH GOLDBERG ??
JONAH GOLDBERG
 ?? The Associated Press ?? Kim Chandler
The Associated Press Kim Chandler

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