Las Vegas Review-Journal

The Constituti­on and the national character

It has seen our country through past divisions

- By Mark J. Lutz Mark J. Lutz is a political science professor in the Great Works Certificat­e program at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.

ONE thing that people across the political spectrum agree on is that powerful forces threaten our political institutio­ns and rights.

Many are frustrated by the intricate and obdurate constituti­onal limits that seem to stand in the way of justice. Critics say that we need to change radically or move entirely beyond the Constituti­on. Some call it an 18th century document that no longer works in 21st century America. Some denounce the Electoral College and the disproport­ionate powers of the Senate. Some yearn for a stronger presidency that will exercise its powers decisively. There are Republican­s who call for a new a constituti­onal convention to limit the powers of the federal government, while some Democrats endorse a new convention to democratiz­e that same government.

As we consider such changes, we wonder how the Constituti­on has lasted as long as it has and whether its longevity implies that it has contribute­d something valuable to our country. Even those who are inclined to defend the Constituti­on vigorously must admit that it did not come into the world in perfect form. It is the product of a series of lengthy debates and strategic compromise­s. Its merits were debated in each state for nearly a year until nine states ratified it.

Originally, it accommodat­ed slavery and excluded many from participat­ing in self-government. Over many decades of conflict, deal-making, and popular appeals to voters, the current Constituti­on emerged.

While Americans seem to have devised the first written constituti­ons, the founding generation did not invent the concept of a constituti­on. Our word “constituti­on” has a counterpar­t in the ancient Greek word politeia, a term that refers to the unwritten foundation of every political community.

According to Aristotle, a politeia is “the arrangemen­t of ruling offices,” or the rules for apportioni­ng powers and determinin­g who can vote or hold office.

In a deeper respect, the “arrangemen­t of offices” affects all of society because the ruling social, economic, or political class always establishe­s a certain way of life throughout the community. In oligarchie­s, people tend to honor wealth. In societies ruled by priests, people tend to respect piety. In democracie­s, the concerns and tastes of the average citizen usually prevail. Aristotle compares the unwritten politeia to an unwritten script that everyone follows.

In light of this older and broader understand­ing, we see how our Constituti­on also shapes our political culture and way of life. Originally, our Constituti­on placed only a few, formal limits on who could hold the highest offices, and it left questions about voter eligibilit­y to the states. Over time, constituti­onal amendments extended the franchise widely, and these extensions have strengthen­ed our respect for equality.

In addition, some of the Constituti­on’s now controvers­ial features shaped our political culture. The founders argued that, in the past, small democracie­s always foundered because one class would dominate the others and tear the community apart.

The U.S. would differ by extending its size to include a wide range of competing interests. By empowering each state with equal votes in the Senate and by giving some weight to each state in the Electoral College, the Constituti­on tries to empower as many economic, social, and cultural interests as possible. The founders relied on geographic diversity to ensure political diversity.

By separating government­al powers into “branches” that can check and balance their rivals, the Constituti­on gives regional and other interests numerous opportunit­ies to compete with and frustrate one another. In these ways, our politeia allows for contention, discord and gridlock.

At the same time, the Constituti­on offers us ways to pursue successful­ly what we think is just and good for the whole country. It empowers those legislator­s and interests who can form alliances, negotiate deals, and make necessary, if temporary, compromise­s while they appeal to a national majority for support.

Indirectly, the Constituti­on rewards and thus encourages us to exercise what used to be called “practical reason” or “prudence.” It offers success to those who have both perseveran­ce and far-sighted patience. It rewards those who can make persuasive appeals about justice, or rights, and the common good to broad coalitions comprising disparate parts of the country.

The Constituti­on empowers those who pursue incrementa­l improvemen­ts on a multi-regional common ground while it obstructs those who serve only their sect.

In our polarized climate, there seems to be little common ground. Patience looks like weakness, and compromise, like betrayal. We may conclude that we must revise the Constituti­on to save our country.

Before we alter it significan­tly, we should first reflect on what the Constituti­on’s features have contribute­d to our politics and national character.

Leaders who can appreciate and explain how the Constituti­on has encouraged our slow, uneven, but manifest progress over time may find a national constituen­cy for working within the Constituti­onal means that have seen our country through past divisions.

 ?? Getty Images ?? A copy of the cover of the U.S. Constituti­on.
Getty Images A copy of the cover of the U.S. Constituti­on.

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