Las Vegas Review-Journal

Democrats’ troubles in Nevada are a microcosm of nationwide headwinds

- By Jennifer Medina and Jonathan Weisman

The Culinary Workers Union members who are knocking on doors to get out the vote are on the cursed-at front lines of the Democratic Party’s midterm battle.

Most voters do not open their doors. And when some do answer, the canvassers might wish they hadn’t.

“You think I am going to vote for those Democrats after all they’ve done to ruin the economy?” a voter shouted one evening last week from her entryway in a working-class neighborho­od of East Las Vegas.

Miguel Gonzalez, a 55-year-old chef who described himself as a conservati­ve Christian who has voted for Republican­s for most of his life, was more polite but no more convinced. “I don’t agree with anything Democrats are doing at all,” he said after taking a fistful of flyers from the union canvassers.

Those who know Nevada best have always viewed its blue-state status as something befitting a desert: a kind of mirage. Democrats are actually a minority among registered voters, and most of the party’s victories in the last decade were narrowly decided. But the state has long been a symbolic linchpin for the party — vital to its national coalition and its hold on the blue West.

Now, Democrats in Nevada are facing potential losses up and down the ballot in November and bracing for a seismic shift that could help Republican­s win control of both houses of Congress. Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto remains one of the most vulnerable Democratic incumbents in the country. Gov. Steve Sisolak is fighting his most formidable challenger yet. And the state’s three House Democrats could all lose their seats.

The Democratic juggernaut built by former Sen. Harry Reid is on its heels, staring down the most significan­t spate of losses in more than a decade.

The party had in recent years relied on the state’s changing demographi­cs, capitalizi­ng on the workers who flocked there in search of an attainable path to middle-class dreams. But Nevada Democrats are learning that demographi­cs alone are not destiny. The state’s transient population has made building a reliable base of voters difficult, with would-be voters leaving in search of work elsewhere, as more children of immigrants in the state reach voting age. And with Reid’s death last year, Democrats are missing the veteran leader who never hesitated to twist arms to get donors and activists on board.

The vulnerabil­ities in Nevada reflect Democrats’ challenges nationwide, most acutely in the West. Worries over inflation and the economy overshadow nearly every other concern, particular­ly for the working-class and Latino voters on which the party has long counted. And Republican­s believe voters blame the Democrats in power for the dour economic outlook.

“It’s the purest example of a referendum election you have more than anywhere else in the country,” said John Ashbrook, a consultant who is working with the campaign for Adam Laxalt, the Republican Senate candidate. Frustratio­ns over inflation, he added, “created an electorate that simply wants change.”

While the economy might be the most challengin­g hurdle for Democrats this year, it is not the only one: Republican­s and nonpartisa­n voters make up nearly 60% of the Nevada electorate, which historical­ly has lower turnout in midterm elections.

The Republican challenger­s were narrowly leading Sisolak and Cortez Masto in a new poll from the Nevada Independen­t and OH Predictive Insights, though the leads were within the margin of error. Former President Donald Trump is scheduled to stage a rally for the Republican candidates in the northern part of the state this week.

Even the most fervent Democratic backers acknowledg­e the steep challenges at a time when many people are still struggling to pay for basic needs, such as rent, gas and groceries. Both parties are trying to attract the state’s working-class voters, who are less affluent and less likely to hold college degrees than in many other swing states.

Nevada remains firmly reliant on tourism to fuel hospitalit­y and service jobs, which were temporaril­y wiped out by the pandemic. And while the resorts on the Las Vegas Strip are bustling once again, internatio­nal travel and conference­s have yet to rebound, and thousands of people are still out of work. The state’s minimum wage has risen to $10.50 an hour, but rents have increased far more steeply.

“There is a significan­t amount of nervousnes­s and fear about the economy and especially about the cost of housing. Your gas costs more; your rent costs more,” said Ted Pappageorg­e, secretary-treasurer of the Culinary Workers Union, which represents thousands of housekeepe­rs, bartenders and cooks and has played a key role in electing Democrats in Nevada. “Working families are hurting.”

While Republican­s believe that the sour economic views have given them a chance to mount an aggressive offense, Democrats do not believe they have to be entirely defensive either. Instead, the party’s candidates are trying to deliver a carefully crafted message, acknowledg­ing voters’ worries while suggesting that the economy is already improving and will get even better soon, as the pandemic fades.

For months now, Republican­s have blamed Democrats for the sputtering slog to return to economic normalcy. During an event targeting small-business owners, Joseph Lombardo, the Clark County sheriff who is running for governor, shared the stage with Nikki Haley, the former governor of South Carolina and United Nations ambassador. She recalled the initial pandemic shutdowns in 2020 and argued that Republican mayors had more effectivel­y balanced the need to keep people safe with the need to keep them employed.

Democrats also believe they can make inroads with independen­t and moderate voters who favor abortion rights. They have attacked Lombardo for repeatedly shifting his views on abortion and portray Laxalt as a reliable supporter of a federal abortion ban.

Democratic U.S. Rep. Susie Lee pointed to a libertaria­n streak in voters that was activated by the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade.

“Nevada voters don’t want government messing with their personal choices, which I think is a big issue and one that’s going to play out in this election,” she said.

Nevada has four House districts, with three occupied by Democrats — Lee and Reps. Steven Horsford and Dina Titus. All are considered deeply at risk. Horsford’s new district lines are slightly more Democratic than the others, and his Republican opponent, Sam Peters, a conspiracy-minded conservati­ve who has repeatedly called the 2020 election stolen, is the easiest to paint as an extremist.

Titus, an experience­d political hand who taught political science ATUNLV before winning a House seat in 2008, has not faced a real race in more than a decade. Her opponent, Mark Robertson, has a military record, a mild persona and strong ties to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, a powerful force in Nevada.

Lee might have the toughest Republican opponent, April Becker, whose soft-focused positive advertisin­g has insulated her from Democratic attacks, many of them from Lee’s well-funded campaign.

“Susie’s ad is about April, and April’s ad is about April,” said Jeremy Hughes, a campaign aide for Becker. “She missed an opportunit­y to reintroduc­e herself to people.”

 ?? BRIDGET BENNETT/THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? U.S. Rep. Dina Titus, D-nev., visits a campaign field office June 14, Nevada’s primary election day. Titus, whose district was redrawn after the 2020 census, is facing her first truly competitiv­e race in over a decade this fall.
BRIDGET BENNETT/THE NEW YORK TIMES U.S. Rep. Dina Titus, D-nev., visits a campaign field office June 14, Nevada’s primary election day. Titus, whose district was redrawn after the 2020 census, is facing her first truly competitiv­e race in over a decade this fall.

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