Las Vegas Review-Journal

Justices to hear arguments on Trump-era ‘bump stock’ rule

- By Michael Macagnone Cq-roll Call (TNS)

WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court will hear arguments today over whether the federal government can ban devices known as bump stocks that allow semiautoma­tic rifles to act more like a machine gun.

The case doesn’t directly involve Second Amendment rights to possess firearms. Instead, it hinges on whether bump stocks meet the definition of machine guns, which are banned under a statute Congress last addressed in the 1980s.

Several bipartisan groups of lawmakers had tried to ban the devices in 2017, after authoritie­s said a shooter had several of them on guns when he killed more than 50 people on the Las Vegas Strip in the largest mass shooting in modern American history. But those bills faced opposition from gun rights groups and neither chamber voted on them.

Ultimately, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives put out a rule during the Trump administra­tion that said bump stocks fall under the machine gun ban — so possession of them is a crime.

Now that decision faces a conservati­ve-controlled Supreme Court with a history of skepticism for agency actions taken without a clear authority from Congress.

In court papers, both sides described bump stocks as an add-on to a rifle that uses recoil to “bump” the gun back into the trigger finger of the shooter — firing faster than usual.

Michael Cargill surrendere­d several of the devices and then challenged the ATF rule in federal court in Texas. He argues Congress could have passed a statute with a broader definition of machine gun, or banned devices that make a semiautoma­tic gun fire at a rate closer to a machine gun.

“But Congress did none of these things, and neither a court nor an agency may subordinat­e the enacted statutory language to an actual or imagined congressio­nal purpose,” Cargill’s brief

said.

Andrew Willinger, executive director of the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University, said that if Congress had acted in the wake of the 2017 shooting, it would have short-circuited the challenge.

“Maybe we were getting to a critical point that there was enough agreement in Congress on this issue in the aftermath of the Las Vegas shooting, but it certainly doesn’t exist now,” Willinger said.

At the time, then-speaker Paul Ryan, a Wisconsin Republican, called the ATF regulation “the smartest, quickest fix” to the problem.

Since then, legislatio­n to ban bump stocks has joined the company of other gun control bills, routinely backed by Democrats and a handful of Republican­s, that have not made it out of Congress.

The Democratic-controlled House advanced a bill in 2022 that included a ban of bump stocks, among other gun control measures, in response to mass shootings at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, and a hospital in Tulsa, Okla. But the bump stock ban was not included in a different compromise bill that Congress ultimately passed that summer.

That legislatio­n signed into law by President Joe Biden, the first to include gun control measures in decades, focused on mental health, school safety and other measures. One of the few changes to gun laws was a temporary measure to include more records in background checks for young adults.

A Republican co-sponsor of one of the 2017 bump stock ban bills, former Florida Rep. Carlos Curbelo, said Ryan blinked when facing a revolt from conservati­ves in the party and gun rights groups like the National Rifle Associatio­n.

Curbelo said this month that the decision not to hold a vote on the bump stock ban bill was emblematic of a modern trend in Congress, where the majority avoids votes on bipartisan legislatio­n for fear of backlash from their base.

“We’ll have to hope that the executive branch acts or that people bring forward legal challenges that result in lawmaking, since Congress won’t make laws,” Curbelo said. “The American people will have to hope that laws are made indirectly by the courts or temporaril­y by the administra­tion.”

In this case, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit found the ATF rule went beyond the definition of machine gun currently in the law. That definition rested on a single pull of the trigger, not of the trigger finger, the majority of the court wrote.

“Congress knew how to write a definition that explicitly turns on the action of a shooter rather than the action of a trigger, but chose not to do so here,” the majority wrote.

In a separate concurrenc­e, Judge James Ho criticized the administra­tion for trying to use a rule to expand the reach of a statute that carries criminal penalties. “Congress cannot criminaliz­e bump stocks absent a clear and unambiguou­s statute,” Ho said.

A dissent from Judge Stephen A. Higginson and two others said the majority’s approach would also toss legislatio­n used to charge people who manufactur­e synthetic drugs that differ slightly from currently illegal substances.

Higginson wrote that the majority’s reasoning would “legalize an instrument of mass murder.”

The Biden administra­tion, in its appeal to the Supreme Court, argued that bump stocks fall under the definition of machine gun originally passed by Congress in 1934 in response to the Valentine’s Day massacre.

The rule banning bump stocks “addresses the special dangers posed by firearms that allow shooters to fire multiple shots without repeated manual movements,” which Congress meant to restrict from civilian use, the administra­tion wrote.

“And a shooter need only activate the trigger once in order to fire multiple shots with a bumpstock-equipped rifle — precisely the danger that Congress sought to address,” the brief said.

Letting the decision below stand would encourage people to design devices similar to bump stocks that allow for near-automatic fire but don’t fit the rigid definition of “machine gun,” the Biden administra­tion argued.

A group of nine senators, led by Republican Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming, urged the justices in a brief not to give the Biden administra­tion any leeway in interpreti­ng the statute. Giving the administra­tion deference would make for “wild swings” in administra­tion policy that are unfair when applied to criminal law.

“It is unsettling to think that something that is legal one day can be subject to criminal sanctions the next with no intervenin­g act of Congress,” the brief said.

Although the justices expanded Second Amendment rights in a 2022 decision, New York State Rifle & Pistol Associatio­n, Inc. v. Bruen, Willinger said Congress may still be able to address bump stocks.

“There’s not much question that Congress could have obviated all this and solved the issue for any of this litigation,” Willinger said.

Willinger pointed out that no appeals courts since the Bruen decision have ruled against the machine gun ban in the National Firearms Act.

 ?? RICK BOWMER / ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE (2017) ?? A bump stock is attached to a semiautoma­tic rifle at the Gun Vault store and shooting range in South Jordan, Utah. The Supreme Court will hear arguments today on a case involving whether a ban on gun attachment­s that allow semiautoma­tic weapons to fire rapidly like machine guns violates federal law.
RICK BOWMER / ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE (2017) A bump stock is attached to a semiautoma­tic rifle at the Gun Vault store and shooting range in South Jordan, Utah. The Supreme Court will hear arguments today on a case involving whether a ban on gun attachment­s that allow semiautoma­tic weapons to fire rapidly like machine guns violates federal law.

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