Las Vegas Review-Journal

Republican­s ramp up for mass challenges of voter rolls in lead-up to November

- By Matt Vasilogamb­ros Stateline.org (TNS) Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a national nonprofit news organizati­on focused on state policy.

When Scott Hoen ran to be Carson City’s chief election official two years ago, he campaigned on “election integrity,” promising to make sure voter registrati­on lists were accurate.

In the chaotic aftermath of the 2020 presidenti­al election, he believed that too many of his fellow Republican­s were convinced that there was widespread voter fraud. By keeping voter rolls current, Hoen thought he could restore voter trust in his county’s election system.

He won. And every day since he took office, he and his staff have tried to keep that focus, using data from all levels of government to remove voters who have moved or died from the active voter list.

Hoen was surprised, then, to be named in a lawsuit the Republican National Committee and the Nevada Republican Party filed last month against him, four other Nevada county clerks and the secretary of state. The lawsuit alleges that five localities had “inordinate­ly high” voter registrati­on rates, and that the state is violating federal law by not having what are known as “clean” voter rolls.

Hoen said the lawsuit is “unfortunat­e” and “a distractio­n” in a pivotal election year. The state responded by saying the data Republican­s used in the lawsuit are “highly flawed” and that the RNC’S analysis was like “comparing apples to orangutans.” Former President Donald Trump’s lawyers asserted without evidence that more than 1,500 dead Nevadans voted in 2020 and that an additional 42,000 in the state voted twice.

The Nevada lawsuit is just one example of the tactics Republican­s and conservati­ve activists are using ahead of November’s presidenti­al election, as they seek to purge voter rolls of allegedly ineligible voters. The efforts have election experts worried about voter access.

Changing a voter’s status is routine for election officials. Like others across the country, Hoen moves voters from active to inactive when election mail is repeatedly returned or when he gets death notices, and moves them to active status when motor vehicle records are received for newly registered voters.

Nevada also is a member of the Electronic Registrati­on Informatio­n Center, commonly known as ERIC, an interstate data-sharing pact that seeks to help states keep updated voter lists. Recently, ERIC has been a target of conspiracy theories that led to an exodus of nine Republican-led states over the past two years.

“Who knows where they got their numbers. But they didn’t consult me or ask me, or no one’s talked to me about what we do with voter roll maintenanc­e,” Hoen said of the lawsuit in an interview with Stateline. “We do everything we can, per the law, to keep our voter rolls as plain as possible.”

The RNC filed a similar lawsuit against Michigan last month. Conservati­ve groups have recently filed lawsuits in many other states, seeking access to state voter registrati­on lists and claiming they might be bloated.

Some states, including Georgia and Indiana, have made it easier to remove registered voters from the rolls. And Trump-aligned groups have launched data analysis tools to aid in large-scale challenges to voter registrati­ons.

Election experts say maintainin­g accurate voter lists is a key part of election administra­tion, but they are concerned that the challenges and lawsuits could bolster unfounded claims of rampant voter fraud. They also worry it could create undue hardships on voters who may have to prove their eligibilit­y close to an election, and bog down election offices with frivolous data requests and challenges. “When you see efforts to do mass

presidenn- challenges in the midst of the tial primaries and months before a major election, you’ve got to wonder whether the intent is to create chaos and confusion amongst voters rather than legitimate list maintenanc­e,” said David Becker, founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research, a nonpartisa­n organizati­on that advises local election officials nationwide.

Voter challenges aren’t inherently bad, he said. There are legitimate reasons to bring a challenge: A neighbor may have died or moved away, for example, and a voter wants to let an election official know.

But Becker is concerned that mass challenges and lawsuits could make voter lists less accurate, leading to problems at polling places, more provisiona­l ballots and longer lines, creating conditions for candidates to claim an election was stolen.

Mass voter challenges

Georgia enacted a law in 2021 that allows residents to make unlimited challenges to voter registrati­ons, and requires local election officials to respond to those challenges within 10 business days. Thousands of registrati­ons were challenged, and local election officials raced franticall­y to check the data and send responses.

The next year, 10 election staffers in Gwinnett County, Ga., worked more than 40 days straight to handle 47,000 challenges in the midterm election, said Zach Manifold, the county elections supervisor. Fair Fight, a local voting rights group, said data showed those challenges disproport­ionately targeted people of color and younger voters.

The county’s voter roll is “a living and breathing document,” Manifold said. His office processes thousands of routine changes weekly. In addition to regular updates at the county level and being a member of ERIC, Georgia conducts largescale list maintenanc­e on odd years.

While a federal judge ruled in January that mass challenges in Georgia are not illegal intimidati­on, he did emphasize that the list of potentiall­y ineligible voters that conservati­ve activists compiled to contest registrati­ons “utterly lacked reliabilit­y” that “verges on recklessne­ss.”

A scenario similar to 2022’s mass challenges may repeat itself this year.

Last month, the Republican-led Georgia Legislatur­e passed a bill that would more clearly define existing law by setting standards for probable cause to challenge voters and for how much evidence is needed for a successful challenge. It would also cut off registrati­on removals within 45 days of an election.

Some Democrats worried the change would lead to a rush of challenges, hurting voters. But Republican state Sen. Max Burns, one of the sponsors of the bill, said during a March committee hearing that the legislatio­n may lead to fewer challenges.

“I think we need to clean up our voter rolls, so that people have confidence that those who are on the voter rolls are legitimate,” Burns said.

Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, who also is Georgia’s former secretary of state, has until early May to sign the legislatio­n. His office told Stateline there would be a thorough review process.

Last month, Indiana Republican Gov. Eric Holcomb signed into law a bill that makes it easier to remove voters from the rolls by requiring state officials to compare voter registrati­on lists with motor vehicle lists for noncitizen­s. People who are flagged would have 30 days to prove their citizenshi­p.

The New Hampshire House also passed a bill that would allow voter registrati­on challenges on Election Day. The measure is sitting in a state Senate committee.

To assist with those challenges, several right-wing groups that claim American elections are rigged because of voter fraud are releasing voter list tools that activists can use to scour voter registrati­ons.

A company called Eagleai developed a tool to scan Georgia’s voter registrati­on records. There are similar efforts in Nevada and Michigan, all coordinate­d through the Election Integrity Network, which is run by former Trump campaign attorney Cleta Mitchell. The network did not respond to an interview request.

“They’re perpetuati­ng these lies that our voter rolls are full of fraudulent voters and bloated,” said Kristin Nabers, Georgia state director for All Voting is Local Action, a voting rights group that has opposed mass challenges in the Peach State. “The burden on election offices is really considerab­le.”

More lawsuits

Challenges to registrati­ons are getting an assist from court cases that are making voter rolls public.

Since 2020, there have “been a lot of questions” surroundin­g elections, said Lauren Bowman Bis, director of communicat­ions and engagement for the Public Interest Legal Foundation, one of several conservati­ve groups that have sued states to release voter registrati­on lists.

Transparen­cy in elections is crucial for people to have more confidence in the system, she added. By gaining access to voter names, addresses and party registrati­on, groups like Bis’ can check states to make sure lists are accurate and they’re not sending multiple ballots to people or are ensuring dead people are removed from the rolls.

Bis has gone to cemeteries in Michigan where, she said, she has seen the names of active voters on tombstones.

The foundation, often known as PILF, has active lawsuits in Hawaii, Michigan and South Carolina over their voter roll maintenanc­e. Over the past four years, they have successful­ly sued Illinois and Maryland and gained access to those states’ voter lists.

In February, a federal appeals court ruled that Maine had to release its voter rolls to the Public Interest Legal Foundation. The group has appealed a ruling in Michigan that it lost in a district court last month, arguing the state did not make a “reasonable effort” to clean its rolls.

Another conservati­ve group that posts voter rolls online, the Voter Reference Foundation, sued Pennsylvan­ia in February over access to its registrati­on lists. The group did not respond to emailed questions.

“The voter roll really is the most essential election integrity document,” Bis said. “We’re just trying to make sure that federal law is enforced in states or localities where we find election officials aren’t doing what they are required to by law to have a secure election that people can have confidence in the results.”

But the disagreeme­nt over these efforts once again comes down to the data, and the methodolog­y that plaintiffs use in their complaints.

Conservati­ve groups sometimes compare the current number of registered voters to an outdated estimate of the number of voting-age citizens in that jurisdicti­on, said Eliza Sweren-becker, a senior counsel at the Brennan Center for Justice, a voting rights group housed at the New York University School of Law.

“You’re really comparing apples and oranges in suggesting that there’s something improper with high voter registrati­on rates,” she said. “We should hope and expect that all eligible Americans who want to participat­e in our democratic system are registered to vote and can stay on the rolls.”

Some Republican­s are concerned too. Dennis Lennox, a Michigan-based Republican political consultant, told Stateline that while he does not agree with the way that many Democratic state officials changed voting rules in recent years, he worries that some Republican­s are more focused on lawsuits and curbing ballot access than adapting to new early voting realities to get out the vote in a bigger way.

“Republican­s, by and large, have been caught flat-footed,” Lennox wrote in an email. “The party nationally and in many states is basically divided between those wanting to focus on so-called lawfare and those willing to adapt and accept the reality of campaigns and elections in 2024.”

“When you see efforts to do mass challenges in the midst of the presidenti­al primaries and months before a major election, you’ve got to wonder whether the intent is to create chaos and confusion amongst voters rather than legitimate list maintenanc­e.”

David Becker, founder, executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research

 ?? WADE VANDERVORT ?? “I Voted” stickers are laid out for people who vote in Nevada’s presidenti­al preference primary at the Desert Breeze Community Center polling site Feb. 6.
WADE VANDERVORT “I Voted” stickers are laid out for people who vote in Nevada’s presidenti­al preference primary at the Desert Breeze Community Center polling site Feb. 6.

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