Lodi News-Sentinel

Will California’s GOP save itself?

- CONOR FRIEDERSDO­RF

Can anyone still doubt that the California Republican Party must reinvent itself ? That, otherwise, it hasn’t any hope of winning back political influence in this state, and might as well make way for a new political party to serve the role of loyal opposition?

The 2016 election made that clear, if it wasn’t before. Afterward, California’s GOP leaders changed nothing much of consequenc­e. As a result, the 2018 election was another predictabl­e disaster for their coalition.

Zero Republican­s hold statewide office. Democrats won a supermajor­ity in the California Assembly and the state Senate. In races for the U.S. Senate, Republican candidates can’t even make it to the general election, now that the top two vote-getters in primary contests advance regardless of party. And when the House of Representa­tives reconvenes, the California delegation is most likely to be composed of 46 Democrats and just seven Republican­s.

Even some longtime loyalists are calling for the coroner. “The Grand Old Party is dead,” Kristin Olsen, former vice chair of the California GOP, declared in Cal Matters, “partly because it has failed to separate itself from today’s toxic, national brand of Republican politics.”

Republican political consultant Mike Madrid agrees. “The party has to die before it can be rebuilt,” he told Politico. “And by die, I mean, completely decimated. I think Tuesday night was a big step,” he said, referring to the midterm election. “There is no message. There is no messenger.”

The decline and fall may continue so long as President Trump is in office, especially if political rivals beyond Democrats start to exploit the GOP’s weaknesses.

In 2018 alone, David Wasserman of Cook Political Report noticed, House Republican­s lost six of 10 of their districts with the highest Latino population, and 17 of 25 of their districts with the highest Asian population. Golden State demographi­cs are only getting less white.

“In one fell swoop, Trump and Republican­s who willingly handcuffed themselves to him have turned Orange County into a GOP wasteland,” John Weaver, a strategist who has worked on the presidenti­al campaigns of John McCain and John Kasich, told Politico. “You want to see the future? Look no further than the demographi­c death spiral in the place once considered a cornerston­e of the party.”

Libertaria­ns could conceivabl­y do better than being shut down in Orange County.

What’s required for political resurrecti­on is straightfo­rward enough. To win, California Republican­s must do better among some combinatio­n of their worst demographi­cs: Latinos, blacks, Asian Americans, women, millennial­s and college-educated voters in prosperous suburbs.

So why aren’t ambitious California Republican officeseek­ers proclaimin­g, “To hell with Trump’s fear-mongering about illegal immigrants; to hell with his weak response to Charlottes­ville; to hell with his attacks on the rights of legal immigrants, to comments he has made denigratin­g Mexicans and Muslims, and to his attacks on birthright citizenshi­p"?

Why aren’t they leading a public break from the faction of Republican Party politics preferred by Stephen Bannon and Stephen Miller in favor of the model that more inclusive, anti-racist Republican­s have advised the GOP to adopt for almost an entire generation, given that such advice was inspired by a demographi­c future that has already arrived here?

The GOP base is one answer. As the number of Republican­s shrinks, the primary voters who remain are more likely to be extreme partisans.

And because so much of our politics is now nationaliz­ed, they watch Fox News and don’t feel like political losers in need of a makeover. Their guy is in the White House, ostensibly making America great again. The last person they’ll support is a politician who tries to make a mark by denouncing Trump’s worst flaw, even if it is the deliberate stoking and exploitati­on of divisive group bigotries.

Career incentives are another answer. If you are likelier than not to lose a given election regardless, why do it as an outspoken anti-Trump Republican, alienating many longtime allies across the country, when you could lose without being seen as a disloyal apostate and preserve your ability to make a career in national Republican politics, or in what is still called the conservati­ve movement, in spite of its shift toward right-wing populism?

Any answer must account for why an organizati­on ostensibly dedicated to winning elections would lose time and again without appreciabl­y changing its strategy.

The biggest losers here aren’t the hardest-core GOP partisans, who’d rather “own the libs” than win state elections, or the politician­s who lose elections but still make a living in politics.

It is, rather, the California­ns who want a viable alternativ­e to the Democratic Party, whether due to substantiv­e disagreeme­nts or as a check on corruption.

Instead, they get a California GOP that can’t win, shows no sign of making changes that will allow it to win, yet probably retains just enough support to prevent a third party from emerging.

Conor Friedersdo­rf is a contributi­ng writer to Los Angeles Times Opinion, a staff writer at the Atlantic and founding editor of the Best of Journalism, a newsletter that curates exceptiona­l nonfiction.

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States