Los Angeles Times

Ted Cruz recalibrat­es his message

The Texas senator hopes to win over moderate voters while maintainin­g his lead among far-right forces.

- By Noah Bierman and Lisa Mascaro noah.bierman @latimes.com lisa.mascaro@latimes.com Bierman reported from Hershey and Mascaro from Washington.

HERSHEY, Pa. — Despite Ted Cruz’s best effort to make inroads in the Northeast — rolling matzoh at a Jewish bakery while his wife, Heidi, extolled the smell of the Big Apple — his dismal performanc­e so far shows the difficulty ahead as the Texas senator tries to swat back Donald Trump’s ability to claim the Republican nomination.

Polls show Trump leading in Pennsylvan­ia, one of several mid-Atlantic states voting Tuesday. So Cruz has embarked on a two-pronged strategy to win over more moderate-minded Republican­s who bristle at the bullish businessma­n, while also solidifyin­g his dominance among the far-right evangelica­l and tea party forces that propelled him in earlier state contests.

The dual track was on display this week when, instead of leveling broadsides at Trump during an election-night speech in Philadelph­ia, Cruz delivered a presidenti­al-style “Yes, we will” message of unified GOP optimism. That was followed Wednesday by a visit to Hershey, Pa., where he was welcomed by stay-athome moms and a constituti­onal enthusiast in a tri-cornered hat.

“Pennsylvan­ia certainly could get a little more competitiv­e, but it’s going to be tough for him,” said G. Terry Madonna, a professor at Franklin and Marshall College and director of a poll released Thursday. “What hurts him is, you’re in a state with very different demographi­cs than the states he’s won.”

Cruz has maintained his second-place standing during the long campaign in large part by winning primaries in Southern, Midwestern and Western states, where his brand of shutdown-the-government conservati­sm resonates with Republican voters.

But he was flattened in New York, where exit polls showed just 1 in 4 GOP voters considered themselves “very conservati­ve,” and 6 in 10 said they felt “concerned” or “scared” about his policies. Cruz appeared unable to overcome his disparagin­g “New York values” quip, even after his eldest daughter called the state her favorite, in part because it meant a visit to the American Girl doll store. Four in 10 New York Republican­s said they wouldn’t vote for him if he were the party’s nominee.

Pivoting to Pennsylvan­ia, Cruz stepped into his ostrich cowboy boots to press his case Wednesday, fighting against the perception that his campaign is not geared to compete in the mid-Atlantic states that are now essential.

“Let me tell you what Donald and the media want to convince everyone: that Pennsylvan­ia is a suburb of Manhattan,” Cruz told a friendly crowd at an antique car museum Wednesday morning, a trio of vintage silver buses behind him. “I’ve got a lot more faith in the people of Pennsylvan­ia.”

Pennsylvan­ia, Maryland and other mid-Atlantic states voting Tuesday are made up of diverse electorate­s — intense urban centers of often more moderate voters in Philadelph­ia or Baltimore, but also rolling farmlands and socially conservati­ve rural enclaves.

The New York-baiting earned Cruz a good response here in Hershey, not far from the famous chocolate factory and its theme park, which is surrounded by the amber fields and rolling hills of farm country.

“I would hope that New York is a blip,” said Kathleen Skobierand­a, a 53-year-old homemaker who attended Cruz’s event in Philadelph­ia and is deciding between him and Ohio Gov. John Kasich.

The problems that tanked Cruz in New York, however, run deeper than his inartful criticism of New Yorkers and his Texas twang.

Cruz’s strong point has been the delegate race — the shadow campaign of the Republican nominating process that has allowed him to scoop up delegates even after Trump won the state’s primary.

But he may start running into stiffer competitio­n. Trump has retooled his operation under the leadership of elections guru Paul J. Manafort, and it may begin to show dividends.

In Pennsylvan­ia, the Trump team is mounting a serious effort to court delegates after Manafort met with allies on Capitol Hill who urged the campaign to step up its game.

And in nearby Delaware, another state where voters will go to the polls Tuesday, the state GOP is bracing for a Trump challenge at its state convention this month, when the party will approve its winner-take-all slate of 16 delegates, campaign operatives said. It would mark one of the first times the Trump team has gone on serious offense.

But Lowman Henry, the Pennsylvan­ia state chairman for Cruz, promised aggressive campaigns to elect Cruz supporters as delegates Tuesday. Under Pennsylvan­ia’s rules, voters elect delegates in each congressio­nal district at the same time they vote for a candidate. But the winning delegates are not bound to vote for the candidates who win the popular vote.

“The delegate race is what matters,” said Henry, who believes the state will warm to Cruz as an alternativ­e to Trump. “Pennsylvan­ians like that practical conservati­ve approach. He can get past shouting and slogans on hats to practical results.”

Cruz has stayed on Trump’s heels by positionin­g himself as the conservati­ve alternativ­e — selling his outsider status, his deeply conservati­ve interpreta­tion of the Constituti­on, and his evangelica­l values.

But on Tuesday night he also presented himself as another kind of Trump alternativ­e — a soaring optimist, paying homage to John F. Kennedy, Barack Obama and the moon landing.

“Not ‘Yes, we can,’ ” Cruz said from the election-night stage. “Yes, we will.”

Many supporters believe Cruz can shift his emphasis away from a take-no-prisoners style that has defined him so far. But they also caution against changing it up too much, since Cruz’s strength is based on a sense among conservati­ves that he is sincere and unyielding.

Sam Goykhman, a Philadelph­ia supporter who attended the Tuesday event, said it might help if Cruz altered his tone a bit as he courts suburban Northeaste­rn voters. “But if he goes away from his main objective, everyone will say he changed his views,” Goykhman said.

Cruz walked onstage Wednesday morning with the Alan Jackson country song “Where I Come From” blasting from the amplifiers, and he continued to talk about religious liberty during his speech.

Even though religious conservati­ves are fewer here, several pockets of central Pennsylvan­ia, centered around Lancaster, are deeply religious, and Cruz is expected to continue campaignin­g here.

“Hopefully, there are enough to put him over,” said Brenda Oren, a 56-yearold mother from Harrisburg who came to Wednesday’s rally.

Others suggest Cruz’s best hopes in attracting voters here may lie with tea party supporters like John Rentschler, 32, who was dressed in Colonial garb at Wednesday’s rally and cares most about a strict fealty to a constituti­onal interpreta­tion that values limited government.

“Ted Cruz is the only one who seems to revere it,” Rentschler said.

Bob Bozzuto, executive director of the Pennsylvan­ia Republican Party, urged the candidates to be themselves — and do the hard work of winning votes.

“The best advice is to leave no stone unturned with any candidate, and with any delegate,” he said.

So Cruz can keep the cowboy boots?

Sure, said Henry, Cruz’s state chairman. But referring to the famed football rivalry between the Dallas Cowboys and Pittsburgh Steelers, he added: “I would advise him not to wear a Cowboys jersey here. That could get him into trouble in either end of the state.”

 ?? Ed Hille Philadelph­ia Inquirer ?? TED CRUZ’S brand of conservati­sm has resonated with GOP voters in Southern, Midwestern and Western states. But mid-Atlantic states such as Pennsylvan­ia and Maryland are made of more diverse electorate­s.
Ed Hille Philadelph­ia Inquirer TED CRUZ’S brand of conservati­sm has resonated with GOP voters in Southern, Midwestern and Western states. But mid-Atlantic states such as Pennsylvan­ia and Maryland are made of more diverse electorate­s.

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