Los Angeles Times

A battle over building walls or bridges

- RONALD BROWNSTEIN Ronald Brownstein is a senior editor at the Atlantic.

It was coincident­al, but clarifying, that London’s Sadiq Khan, the first Muslim elected mayor of a major Western city, landed in New York last Saturday just hours after bombs allegedly set by a radicalize­d Muslim immigrant from Afghanista­n rocked Manhattan and New Jersey.

From Europe to Britain to the U.S., politics across the industrial­ized world is increasing­ly spinning around the same question: Are nations more likely to achieve security and prosperity by building walls or building bridges to the outside world? This fundamenta­l choice is dividing nations not only along lines of generation, race and education, but also geography. As the insular nationalis­m symbolized by Donald Trump gains strength in the places that feel left behind in an integratin­g world, diverse global cities that thrive on connection are growing closer to their internatio­nal peers, even as they grow more distant from the non-metropolit­an areas of their own countries.

That was the important message in Khan’s U.S. visit. Before New York, he was in Chicago, and like the Democratic mayors of both cities — Bill de Blasio and Rahm Emanuel, respective­ly — Khan forcefully insists that integratio­n, inclusion and openness to the world offer the best chance to defuse terror and maximize economic growth.

That perspectiv­e — shared by the mayors of almost all large U.S. cities and many others in Europe — views immigrants as a source of economic and cultural vitality, trade as an engine of prosperity, and integratio­n of Muslim communitie­s as the central defense against radicaliza­tion and terror.

“We play straight into the hands of the extremists and terrorists when we [say] … it’s not possible to hold Western values and to be a Muslim,” Khan wrote last week in the Chicago Tribune. “It makes it easier for terrorists to radicalize young people. And it makes us all less safe.”

This point of view collides with the bristling defensive nationalis­m championed by Trump, France’s Marine Le Pen, and nativist parties like UKIP in Britain and Alternativ­e for Deutschlan­d in Germany. These voices raise alarms against trade and immigratio­n and portray greater restrictio­ns and surveillan­ce as the key to fighting Islamic terror. Stressing isolation over integratio­n, Trump responded to the New York attacks by reiteratin­g his calls for limiting Mideast immigratio­n and expanding law enforcemen­t profiling of “people that maybe look suspicious.”

Such messages have been shrugged off in large urban areas but have resonated in smaller places, especially those that have little tradition of racial diversity or have lost manufactur­ing jobs to trade. In June’s “Brexit” referendum in Britain, big majorities in London and its thriving informatio­n-economy suburbs voted to keep the United Kingdom in the European Union, while those living in rural areas and economical­ly strained smaller cities gave the leave campaign (which stressed anti-immigrant messages) its narrow majority. In Berlin’s regional elections last weekend, the anti-immigrant, anti-globalizat­ion AfD party won only about 14% of the vote — enough for foothold but less than it anticipate­d and less than it carried in earlier regional elections in rural East Germany. Likewise, the choice between Trump and Hillary Clinton is virtually certain to widen an already imposing metropolit­an divide: In 2012, President Obama won America’s 100 largest counties by a combined margin of 12 million votes while losing the other 3,000 by about seven million votes.

Adjusting for national difference­s, the mayors of global cities are setting goals antithetic­al to the Trump vision. “There are 50 cities, maybe 100, that are the intellectu­al, cultural and economic engine of the world,” Emanuel says. “We have to make our cities competitiv­e. The jobs and companies we talk about are not only global but mobile.”

These cities’ agendas include investment in infrastruc­ture and education; welcoming immigrants; supporting small business and informatio­n-age start-ups; promoting dense developmen­t; embracing renewable energy as an economic engine and environmen­tal imperative; and with only a few exceptions (such as De Blasio) encouragin­g more internatio­nal trade. The common theme, Emanuel says, is to create a “platform for private sector growth” while advancing equity and inclusion.

As Khan pointedly noted during his visit, many cities are failing to achieve that “social integratio­n.” Instead they are divided between thriving white-collar profession­als and lower-income minority communitie­s much more disconnect­ed from opportunit­y. Research consistent­ly shows that cities face high levels of income inequality, and economic and racial segregatio­n, in both housing and schools. And entrenched conflict in Chicago symbolizes the systematic alienation of minority communitie­s from law enforcemen­t in many metropolit­an areas.

Yet globalizin­g cities, and their mayors, continue to believe they can combat these trends. By welcoming ideas, products and people from around the world, and by insisting that only extending opportunit­y to all communitie­s can provide lasting security and prosperity, they are formulatin­g an inclusive alternativ­e to zero-sum ethnic nationalis­m. In the years ahead, whether Western societies are more likely to succeed as open or closed will no doubt unfold as a struggle between town and country.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States