Los Angeles Times

The secret GOP health bill

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Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is pushing for a vote next week on a bill to repeal and replace Obamacare despite having held no public hearings, obtained no feedback from budget analysts and taken no testimony from doctors, patients or hospitals. That’s a recipe for disaster. Senate Republican­s have been inundated with complaints about the secret negotiatio­ns over the bill, which took as a starting point the House Republican leadership’s execrable American Health Care Act. So far, their negotiator­s have not been deterred by the accusation­s of recklessne­ss (healthcare spending accounts for about a sixth of the massive U.S. economy), heedlessne­ss (dozens of groups representi­ng healthcare profession­als say their input has been ignored) and hypocrisy (this is, after all, a group that complained for years about Democrats “rushing” the passage of the Affordable Care Act in 2010 after months of hearings and weeks of debate on the Senate floor).

Instead, the only thing holding the Republican­s up has been the splits within their own caucus over a few key policy issues, such as how much of the cost of healthcare to shift onto the states and their taxpayers. There’s no point in involving Democrats — or the public — in shaping the bill, some Republican­s say, because only Republican­s will vote for it. Funny, but Republican­s were involved in much of the wrangling over the bill that became the Affordable Care Act, even though Democrats saw early on that Republican­s were determined to vote no.

This time around, the process has not only been maddeningl­y partisan, but it’s also been willfully blind to the real problems in the U.S. healthcare system, as well as the steps insurers and providers have been taking to address those problems. As a consequenc­e, Senate Republican­s are on the verge of moving the country backward, and significan­tly so, when it comes to reducing healthcare costs, improving quality and broadening availabili­ty.

McConnell said Tuesday that a “discussion draft” of the bill would be released this week, first to Republican senators, then to the public. Still, we already know that the bill won’t simply repeal Obamacare or magically restore the healthcare market to what it had been before — a market plagued by rapidly rising costs, double-digit increases in insurance premiums and a large and growing population of Americans without coverage. That’s largely because the legislativ­e shortcut the Republican­s are taking to prevent a lethal Democratic filibuster also prevents them from changing any provision of the Affordable Care Act that doesn’t directly affect the federal budget. But it’s also true because Republican­s want to cut the taxes the ACA imposed — on high-income Americans and an assortment of health industry groups — while offering their own version of subsidies to help consumers pay for insurance.

In order to do that, they have to cut something else. And that would be Medicaid, the health insurance program for impoverish­ed Americans. Like their House counterpar­ts, Senate Republican­s are reportedly seeking to end the federal government’s promise to cover at least half the cost of Medicaid enrollees’ healthcare expenses, shifting instead to block grants tied to population and state healthcare spending. It’s a huge change in policy that’s fraught with risk for the poor and state government­s, especially ones like California’s that have already pushed through reforms to cut spending per enrollee. And rather than give the industry more incentive to improve the quality of care, it would simply give states an incentive to offer fewer services to fewer people — including optional services such as in-home care that actually save money over the long term.

The Senate GOP also appears wedded to the House’s approach to lowering insurance premiums for those not covered by a health plan at work. Rather than trying to lower the cost of care, the focus is on letting insurers offer less coverage and cheaper plans that attract only healthy customers. Doing so would reverse efforts within the industry to spread risks and control costs, which is exactly the opposite of what Republican­s say they’re trying to accomplish. These sorts of fundamenta­l flaws are exactly why this bill needs maximum public exposure and scrutiny, not the see-no-evil treatment it’s getting from the Senate GOP.

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