Los Angeles Times

Where abortion war stands

Foes of procedure say momentum’s on their side, but rivals not giving up

- By Alexandra Zavis alexandra.zavis @latimes.com

Opponents of abortion have had reason for optimism this year. With Republican­s in control of the U.S. Capitol and a president who embraces their cause, access to the procedure has appeared in greater jeopardy than it has in years.

Abortion foes were dealt a setback last week when Senate Republican­s failed to approve a bill to roll back President Obama’s Affordable Care Act. All the versions up for a vote would have cut federal funding for Planned Parenthood for one year, a long-sought goal.

Mallory Quigley, spokeswoma­n for the antiaborti­on Susan B. Anthony List, said the votes would be a major disappoint­ment to the “prolife grass roots” who knocked on doors, made phone calls and rallied to get like-minded lawmakers elected. But she added, “I think what is important to note is that the pro-life elements were not the cause of failure for the bill.”

“This was an area of unity for Republican­s,” she said. “So I do think that there are going to be more wins in the future.”

Abortion foes aren’t waiting on the federal government to act, however. Conservati­ve state lawmakers have passed a rash of restrictiv­e laws in battlegrou­nds such as Arkansas, Iowa, Missouri and Texas.

Proponents of reproducti­ve rights are fighting back and have persuaded federal courts to block some measures that could place an “undue burden” on a woman’s ability to obtain a legal abortion.

Here’s a recap of what’s been happening in the abortion war at the White House, in Congress and around the country:

The White House

President Trump once described himself as “very pro-choice,” despite hating abortion. But his actions since taking office have revived hope among antiaborti­on activists for changes that seemed impossible under the Obama administra­tion.

Foreign aid ban

One of Trump’s first official acts was to reinstate and expand a ban on funding for internatio­nal organizati­ons that provide abortions or related counseling. Trump’s version of the policy, first introduced under the Reagan administra­tion, applies not only to the roughly $600 million that the U.S. provides annually for family planning services but to almost all global health assistance — about $8.8 billion worth.

Key appointmen­ts

Abortion foes have seen champions of their cause ascend to top positions in the Trump administra­tion, including Vice President Mike Pence, Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price and presidenti­al advisor Kellyanne Conway.

Trump has also promised to appoint U.S. Supreme Court justices who would overturn the 1973 Roe vs. Wade decision that legalized abortion across the country.

The selection of Judge Neil M. Gorsuch did not give conservati­ve justices the majority they would need to do that, but any future vacancies could change the compositio­n of the court. Trump’s federal court nomination­s have also included people who are widely viewed as receptive to further restrictio­ns on abortion.

In Congress

Curtailing funding for Planned Parenthood has been a priority for conservati­ve lawmakers because the group is the largest single provider of abortions in the U.S. and a powerful advocate for reproducti­ve rights.

Federal funding

In April, Trump signed a law reversing a regulation finalized in the last days of the Obama administra­tion that prevented states from withholdin­g federal Title X grants for family planning services from groups that also provide abortions.

The Republican plans to replace Obamacare would also have prevented Planned Parenthood from receiving reimbursem­ents from Medicaid for one year, even though it is already illegal to use federal money for abortion services.

The two programs account for the majority of the funds that Planned Parenthood receives from government sources. Such cuts could force the closure of healthcare centers that provide contracept­ion, cancer screenings and other services to uninsured patients, the group says.

State legislatur­es

Conservati­ve state lawmakers have been trying to roll back access to abortion since the Roe decision, but momentum has picked up since Republican­s took control of many state legislatur­es in 2010. Hundreds of restrictiv­e state measures have been passed, according to the Guttmacher Institute, which advocates for reproducti­ve rights, including abortion.

Services restricted

Iowa and Kentucky adopted laws this year that bar most abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy. At least 16 other states have such laws, even though federal courts have ruled that they violate the Roe decision guaranteei­ng women the right to terminate a pregnancy before a fetus is able to survive outside the womb.

Tennessee enacted a measure requiring that two doctors confirm that a fetus is not viable before an abortion can be provided at 20 weeks or later, except in a medical emergency.

Laws adopted in Arkansas and Texas include bans on a commonly used second-trimester procedure known as dilation and evacuation. Similar measures are already in effect in Mississipp­i and West Virginia. Courts have blocked Arkansas and at least four other states from enforcing them.

Other measures approved this year include ones mandating that women receive an ultrasound before undergoing an abortion (Iowa, Kentucky and Wyoming), imposing restrictio­ns on the dispositio­n of fetal remains (Arkansas and Texas), and introducin­g additional requiremen­ts for minors seeking the procedure (Indiana, Louisiana and West Virginia).

Efforts to ‘defund’

Republican lawmakers in Iowa decided to set up a wholly state-run family planning program — forgoing about $3 million in annual funding from Medicaid — so they can exclude organizati­ons with ties to abortion providers. As a result, Planned Parenthood says it had to close four of its 12 health centers in the state. Texas and Missouri have taken similar steps.

In Arizona, GOP lawmakers included a provision in the state budget that could divert about $2 million in federal Title X grants from Planned Parenthood. The move could jeopardize five health centers, according to the group.

Kentucky and South Carolina also took steps to deny funds for family planning services to organizati­ons that provide abortions.

Fighting back

Planned Parenthood and other defenders of reproducti­ve rights have been making their case to lawmakers and staging protests around the country.

In some states, Democrats stepped in to protect or expand access to abortion. A bill headed to the desk of Gov. Kate Brown in Oregon, for example, would in most cases require private insurance companies to cover abortions at no cost to patients. New York also adopted regulation­s requiring plans to cover abortion services.

The Democratic governors of Montana, Minnesota and Virginia vetoed bills that would have increased restrictio­ns on abortions or prevented government dollars from going to groups that perform the procedure.

In other states, courts intervened. A federal judge in Arkansas blocked the state from enforcing four new abortion restrictio­ns, including a law on the dispositio­n of fetal remains that opponents say would effectivel­y require a partner’s consent before a woman could get an abortion.

A federal judge in Missouri struck down requiremen­ts that doctors who perform abortions have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals and that their clinics meet hospital-like standards for outpatient surgery.

Both states are appealing, and lawmakers in Missouri held a special session this summer to impose new regulation­s on abortion providers.

 ?? Drew Angerer Getty Images ?? ANTIABORTI­ON ACTIVISTS rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court in January. Curtailing funding for Planned Parenthood has been a priority for conservati­ves.
Drew Angerer Getty Images ANTIABORTI­ON ACTIVISTS rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court in January. Curtailing funding for Planned Parenthood has been a priority for conservati­ves.

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