Los Angeles Times

War games fan North Korea’s ire

Despite Pyongyang’s objections, the U.S. is not about to halt drills with South Korea.

- By Matt Stiles

SEOUL — A mock war erupts on the Korean peninsula each year, largely in secret, with thousands of troops and their commanders tracking and repelling a North Korean attack.

It’s all a drill, a large-scale theoretica­l exercise aimed at protecting democratic South Korea, a U.S. ally.

But North Korea is not a fan.

The military exercises that began Monday — known as Ulchi-Freedom Guardian — have been in the works for months. That prompted the totalitari­an nation to declare the drills were “like pouring oil over fire” and “aggravatin­g” an already tense situation on the peninsula.

The war games, which involve thousands of troops from the United States and South Korea, come at a time when Washington and Pyongyang appear to be on the verge of an actual war over the North Korean government’s rapidly advancing nuclear and missile programs and the bellicose language traded by leaders on both sides.

North Korea’s repeated objections over the years about the exercises have also prompted at least two powerful countries in the region, China and Russia, to suggest halting them as part of a potential deal to get nuclear concession­s from Pyongyang.

Talk of such a freeze has been a non-starter in Washington.

Former military commanders who worked in South Korea say the drills, held since at least 1976 under various names, keep U.S. forces ready in a foreign theater that has annual turnover of rank-and-file service members, their officers and the civilian analysts who support them.

“Practice is needed because training is perishable for everyone,” said David Maxwell, a retired Army colonel who participat­ed in the exercises during five tours on the peninsula. “So many of the forces are rotating from Iraq and Afghanista­n. They’ve got to be quickly educated on the Korean problem, which, of course, is much different.”

This year’s drills come at a particular­ly perilous time.

The North last month successful­ly test-launched two interconti­nental ballistic missiles that could, in theory, strike the U.S. mainland, a technologi­cal advancemen­t that has long worried security officials.

The exercises also began days after President Trump said North Korea would “be met with fire and fury like the world has never seen” should its threats continue.

And the North Korean government also recently threatened to launch missiles near the strategica­lly important U.S. territory of Guam, a tiny Western Pacific island home to Andersen Air Force Base.

The drills, named for a historic Korean military leader, are confined largely to command posts and computers, not live weapons. They allow military leaders to practice complex scenarios in a relatively short period of time without largescale troop movements, according to those who’ve participat­ed.

Drills also held in March involve more live-fire action.

The exercises have, at times, prompted serious responses from the North.

This time last year, the North test-launched a submarine-based ballistic missile from its eastern sea base in Sinpo. Shortly after those drills ended, the government detonated a nuclear device undergroun­d from its Punggye-ri test site — one of three illicit tests under the rule of Kim Jong Un, whose grandfathe­r, the late Kim Il Sung, is the country’s communist patriarch.

Such tests violate resolution­s by the United Nations, which has imposed economic sanctions on North Korea in response to its tests.

The North is considered a nuclear state with an advancing ability to miniaturiz­e its weapons and deliver them with long-range missiles.

Several U.S. administra­tions have been stymied in their efforts to stop North Korea’s momentum. The U.S. has tried pressure, economic aid and reportedly covert action at various times — all with little success in curbing Pyongyang’s nuclear ambitions.

The exercises comply with the terms of the 1953 armistice between the two nations that halted the Korean War, observers say, and shouldn’t create misunderst­anding or surprise threats for the North, despite its vocal objections.

“Pyongyang knows very well they are defensive and knows when to expect them,” said Duyeon Kim, a visiting senior fellow at the Korean Peninsula Future Forum in Seoul.

South Korean President Moon Jae-in, a former soldier, told his Cabinet on Monday that the exercises were “an inspection of our defense posture, for the protection and safety of our citizens .... There is no intent to escalate military tensions in the Korean peninsula.”

U.S. Defense Secretary James N. Mattis told reporters that North Korea knows the exercises are defensive.

“For whatever they may say for public consumptio­n, they know this is a defensive exercise,” Mattis said. “It’s been going on, you know, for decades.”

One idea floated recently by China and Russia suggested that the United States stop its exercises, including those in spring, which have prompted outrage in Pyongyang over the years. In exchange, the theory goes, North Korea might pledge to halt its nuclear and missile testing.

Top U.S. military commanders, including Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr., chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have rejected such a move. It’s also unclear whether Pyongyang would go along.

“Why would anyone call off an exercise in hopes of getting better behavior out of the Kim family regime?” said Grant Newsham, a senior research fellow at the Japan Forum for Strategic Studies, recalling a generation of past overtures that ultimately failed.

Others say offering to halt the exercises — or at least trying to downplay them — might help persuade the North to stop its tests, especially in the absence of better options.

John Delury, an associate professor of Chinese studies at Yonsei University in Seoul, said the exercises serve a planning purpose, but they also have a “ritualisti­c element” that touts and dramatizes the combined military might of the United States and South Korea.

“If the North Koreans are willing to give stuff up, and that’s what we really want, then we need to explore that,” he said. “I’m pretty sure that our military can figure out ways to ensure that troops are trained and ready — and the interopera­bility [with South Korean forces] is there.”

This year’s operation is scaled back, though not because of current tensions.

The participat­ion of local U.S. forces is down to about 17,500 from 25,000 last year, but officials say recent events aren’t responsibl­e for the size.

South Korean media also reported fewer of their nation’s troops were involved, though U.S. officials declined to discuss those figures.

U.S. forces generally don’t publicly discuss the operationa­l details of the exercises, but they involve computer-simulated scenarios, both in the lead-up to and defense against a North Korean attack.

The operation generally splits into two parts, involving top-level decisions about preparedne­ss and groundleve­l work to repel a theoretica­l threat.

Planners spend months preparing possible North Korean moves, and they consider its military capabiliti­es.

They then use computers to simulate how events might unfold. Troops and commanders respond to the simulation­s, and computers gauge the results, former participan­ts say.

Although much of the unease about North Korea in recent years has centered on its advancing nuclear and missile programs, what gets less attention are the thousands of convention­al weapons — such as rockets and artillery — that can be used against the South.

Seoul, a metropolit­an area of 25 million people, is about 45 miles south of the border, well within range of some of those systems. A convention­al attack by the North could kill tens of thousands in the South within hours or days.

Such an attack on civilians could eventually also elicit a potentiall­y fatal response to the Kim government from the U.S. and South Korea.

It’s precisely the type of scary scenario that U.S. and South Korean military brass might be defending against this month, said Maxwell, the retired Army colonel, now an associate director at Georgetown University’s Center for Security Studies.

“They are trying to anticipate everything that North Korea would do that we have not thought about,” Maxwell said.

 ?? Yonhap ?? HELICOPTER­S AT Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, south of Seoul. The U.S. and South Korea began military drills Monday. North Korea calls them “aggravatin­g,” but U.S. Defense Secretary James N. Mattis says Pyongyang knows the joint exercises are defensive.
Yonhap HELICOPTER­S AT Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, south of Seoul. The U.S. and South Korea began military drills Monday. North Korea calls them “aggravatin­g,” but U.S. Defense Secretary James N. Mattis says Pyongyang knows the joint exercises are defensive.

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