Los Angeles Times

Trump’s Afghanista­n surge

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Candidate Donald Trump once called U.S. military involvemen­t in Afghanista­n a “total disaster.” Now president, Trump told the nation on Monday that, after studying the issue, he had reconsider­ed his original instinct to pull U.S. forces out of that country.

Administra­tion officials say he has approved a plan to send more American trainers, advisors and specialist­s to Afghanista­n to deal with a resurgent Taliban and other violent groups, including Islamic State.

The president’s second thoughts may be warranted, but we understand why it took him so long to accede to his advisors’ recommenda­tion. U.S. involvemen­t in Afghanista­n has dragged on for far too long, and the government it helped erect today controls little more than half of the nation’s districts.

In a nationally televised speech, Trump said that U.S. strategy under his leadership will change dramatical­ly. Yet despite the new packaging and muscular rhetoric, much of the policy he outlined seems like more of the same: using U.S. forces to prevent the Taliban and other insurgent groups from toppling the U.S.-supported government, but with no guarantee of either a decisive victory or military gains significan­t enough to bring the Taliban to the negotiatin­g table.

This doesn’t mean Trump is making the wrong decision or that he should revert to the glib advice he offered as a private citizen in a 2013 tweet: “We have wasted an enormous amount of blood and treasure in Afghanista­n .... Let’s get out!”

Much as the U.S. may wish that the Afghan military and police forces were able to neutralize the Taliban without outside assistance, a hasty withdrawal would, as Trump recognized, create a security crisis for the Afghan government — and increase the possibilit­y that the country again would become a haven for terrorists who would export violence to the U.S.

Trump has decisively rejected a total withdrawal. He also has properly rebuffed hare-brained suggestion­s — advanced by former strategist Steve Bannon — that he entrust much of the U.S. military mission in Afghanista­n to private contractor­s. Instead, the U.S. will use American troops — to be increased from 8,400 to approximat­ely 12,000 — to train and assist Afghan forces while pressing Pakistan to deny shelter to fighters from the Taliban and the Haqqani network.

In its broad outlines, the policy announced by Trump is not very different from that pursued by President Obama at the end of his administra­tion. Obama originally had hoped to reduce the number of U.S. troops to about a thousand, stationed at the U.S. embassy in Kabul. But on the recommenda­tion of his military advisors, he twice modified planned troop reductions to leave more Americans in deployment.

One arguably new element was Trump’s suggestion that he would put pressure on Pakistan to stop providing a safe haven for the Taliban and associated groups. Noting that the U.S. has been paying Pakistan billions of dollars, he said that country had much to lose if it continued to harbor terrorists. He also suggested that, unlike the Obama administra­tion, his goal in Afghanista­n was to kill terrorists, not engage in nation-building. (That is actually less of a distinctio­n between the two administra­tion’s policies than Trump suggests.)

Finally, Trump’s suggested that the U.S. was open to the idea of peace negotiatio­ns in the future with elements of the Taliban. But in the meantime, Trump has concluded, as President Obama did before him, that the U.S. must continue to be engaged militarily in Afghanista­n. Even if that is the least bad decision, it’s depressing that 16 years after the U.S. intervened in Afghanista­n in the wake of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks — at an eventual cost of 2,400 American lives — the Taliban is not only still alive but ascendant, corruption remains rife, and political consensus seems elusive.

Given the alternativ­e, Trump is right to try to stabilize the situation in Afghanista­n. But it’s hard to be optimistic about where that will lead.

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