Los Angeles Times

What makes Scientolog­y different

- n addition James Kirchick is a correspond­ent for the Daily Beast and author of “The End of Europe: Dictators, Demagogues and the Coming Dark Age.” By James Kirchick

Ito being megalomani­ac leaders of cult- like movements, the late L. Ron Hubbard and Donald Trump have shared an aversion to paying taxes. The founder of Scientolog­y waged a ruthless battle to win a religious tax exemption from the Internal Revenue Service, while the president has boasted about his tax avoidance and refuses to release his returns. How ironic, then, that, according to a recent news report, the Trump administra­tion may revoke Scientolog­y’s exemption.

Though Hubbard, ever the entreprene­ur, founded Scientolog­y as a for- profit entity in 1952, he quickly realized the pecuniary benefits of “the religion angle,” as he put it in a letter to one of his acolytes. After the federal government revoked the tax exemption it had awarded Scientolog­y in 1956, Hubbard went to war.

The church’s efforts culminated in Operation Snow White, a seven- year long campaign of dirty tricks that resulted in 11 senior church officials ( including Hubbard’s wife) pleading guilty to obstructio­n of justice, burglary of government offices and theft of documents in 1978.

Undeterred, the church later hired private investigat­ors to snoop on IRS employees. Scientolog­y even set up a front group, the National Coalition of IRS Whistle- Blowers, to discredit the agency. The campaign worked. When Hubbard’s protégé, David Miscavige, strolled unannounce­d into IRS headquarte­rs 13 years later and offered to drop the roughly 2,500 lawsuits individual Scientolog­ists had f iled against the agency in exchange for a tax exemption, the beleaguere­d IRS agreed.

There was no legal justificat­ion for this decision. Every single time Scientolog­y had challenged its nonexempt status in court, it lost. Indeed, just a year before the IRS reversal, the U. S. Claims Court cited “the commercial character of much of Scientolog­y,” its “virtually incomprehe­nsible f inancial procedures” and “scriptural­ly based hostility to taxation” as reasons for denying an exemption.

Today, America’s recognitio­n of Scientolog­y as a religion stands as an anomaly in the Western world, the result not of impartial jurisprude­nce but of harassment. Four years ago, France’s highest court upheld a fraud conviction against the church, ruling that, “Far from being a violation of freedom of religion, as this American organizati­on contends, this decision lifts the veil on the illegal and highly detrimenta­l practices.” One such practice: coercing followers into emptying their bank accounts for “auditing,” the process by which Scientolog­ists release the disembodie­d remains of ancient space aliens by gripping metal canisters on a contraptio­n called the “e- meter.”

Moving beyond this funny business, Germany’s equivalent of the Federal Bureau of Investigat­ion considers Scientolog­y a threat to its “constituti­onal order” and monitors the organizati­on alongside neo- Nazi and jihadist groups.

Those who claim Scientolog­y is a bona fide religion argue that its beliefs concerning 75,000- year- old intergalac­tic space battles are irrelevant to its legal status. Mormonism, for example, is based on the teachings carved onto golden plates allegedly discovered in the backyard of its founder, Joseph Smith. It was long considered a cult ( its adherents the targets of episodic violence) but is now increasing­ly accepted by mainstream society as just another branch of Christiani­ty.

This argument misses two important distinctio­ns between Scientolog­y and other establishe­d faiths. It’s true that Scientolog­y’s theology is no more objectivel­y bizarre than many of the tales found in the Old and New Testaments. Yet traditiona­l religious movements do not deny what’s contained in their scripture. Ask a Christian if he believes Jesus was resurrecte­d, a Jew if Moses parted the Red Sea, or a Muslim if Mohammed ascended to heaven on a winged horse, and you’re likely to get one of two responses. Some will affirm the validity of the stories. Others will say they are allegories.

But no priest, rabbi or imam would deny the very existence of the parables, which are, after all, right there on the page for anyone to read. Scientolog­y, by contrast, has fought expensive legal battles to suppress defectors from publicizin­g what it claims is copyrighte­d material.

The other difference is that, unlike other organized religious communitie­s that minister to individual­s regardless of their ability to tithe, Scientolog­y extracts ever- higher fees from its members on the “Bridge to Total Freedom.” As the head of France’s cultmonito­ring unit stated, Scientolog­y’s schemes lead one to “no longer act of his own free will, but become completely dependent on this organizati­on that will exploit his weakness to the maximum, in order to attain a fortune.”

Finally, there is the church’s routine use of violence to intimidate would- be dissenters. Many former Scientolog­ists have attested to physical abuse, forced labor and human entrapment at the hands of church leaders. No other tax- exempt religion maintains anything remotely resembling Scientolog­y’s Office of Special Affairs, which, in the words of high- ranking Scientolog­y defector Marty Rathbun, “operates mainly on Cold War era intelligen­ce and propaganda techniques” to harass and defame heretics.

The church’s response to this rap sheet is always the same: Ex- Scientolog­ists are “disgruntle­d” dissidents motivated by greed. But when so many people tell nearly identical horror stories of exploitati­on, manipulati­on and brutality, it warrants something more than harsh media scrutiny. It warrants government action.

Like big tobacco, Scientolog­y is peddling a dangerous product hazardous to public health. It should be taxed as such.

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