Los Angeles Times

Trump’s Mideast disaster

- By Saree Makdisi

President Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel represents a major break with decades of U.S. foreign policy. It is a final, devastatin­g blow to the prospect of a two-state solution for Israel’s conflict with the Palestinia­ns.

The move involves, first, a contemptuo­us dismissal of Palestinia­ns’ aspiration­s and rights, a denial of their claim to the city they consider their capital. To accept Jerusalem as Israel’s capital is to participat­e in a project of violent social engineerin­g that is slowly driving out Palestinia­ns and replacing them with Jewish settlers.

Longstandi­ng Israeli policy aims to forcibly manipulate the numbers of Jews and non-Jews in the city to maintain an “ideal” ratio of Jewish residents. This grotesque policy is realized by severely underinves­ting in infrastruc­ture for Palestinia­n areas of the city, by denying Palestinia­ns building permits, by demolishin­g Palestinia­n homes, by stripping Palestinia­ns of residency rights, by isolating Palestinia­n neighborho­ods from one another and from the West Bank with a wall, and by turning a blind eye to violent Jewish hooliganis­m against Palestinia­n residents.

All the while, Israel moves more and more Jews into settlement­s built on land illegally annexed to Jerusalem following the capture of the eastern part of the city in 1967.

Recognizin­g Israel’s claim to the city endorses this slow-motion ethnic cleansing and the apartheid policies sustaining it. No other state acknowledg­es Israel’s sovereignt­y over Jerusalem because its projection of sovereignt­y is the product of exactly this ongoing and historical violence.

After all, Israel’s claim to Jerusalem as the “unified and eternal capital of the Jewish people” is tenuous at best. The U.N. Partition Plan of 1947, which broke Palestine into putative Jewish and Arab states — and on the basis of which Israel declared its independen­ce — maintained Jerusalem as an entity separate from either state. Israel captured the western part of the city by force in 1948. It captured the eastern part of the city by force in 1967.

Under internatio­nal law, the status of Jerusalem remains unsettled. The Security Council has consistent­ly affirmed that East Jerusalem is part of the Palestinia­n territory under military occupation, and hence, like the West Bank, it can’t be legally annexed or colonized.

As recently as December 2016, U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334 condemned “all measures aimed at altering the demographi­c compositio­n, character and status of the Palestinia­n Territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem, including, inter alia, the constructi­on and expansion of settlement­s, transfer of Israeli settlers, confiscati­on of land, demolition of homes and displaceme­nt of Palestinia­n civilians, in violation of internatio­nal humanitari­an law.” For Trump to endorse Israel’s claim to the entire city, then, is to endorse illegality.

As important, Trump’s action puts an end to the two-state solution, which once envisaged the creation of a Palestinia­n state in the territorie­s occupied in 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital. It demolishes the facetious claim that the United States is an honest broker between the parties. (Anyway, the idea that someone as incompeten­t or maliciousl­y partisan as Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, appointed by Trump to oversee peace negotiatio­ns, could be either honest or a broker is laughable.) Accepting Israel’s claim to Jerusalem isn’t neutral as Trump pretends. It precludes the Palestinia­ns’ claim, and without East Jerusalem, there is no two-state solution.

What Trump and with him the United States are signing on to instead is a bleak vision of violent racial division, injustice and inequality. Whether the president has actually thought this through is unclear and improbable, but the reality on the ground in Israeli-controlled Jerusalem — and indeed through all the territorie­s under Israeli control — seamlessly fits into his ideologica­l landscape of white supremacy and Islamophob­ia. Little wonder, then, that Israel’s right-wing government has been so gleeful in its embrace of Trump, and so quick to jump at this endorsemen­t.

And yet it will not be easy to sell this vision to a broader public in the U.S. or the world at large. Israel has been able to maintain its apartheid policies for so long because they are disguised by a thin veneer of democracy and the supposed search for peace. The demise of the two-state solution and the increasing­ly obvious forms of discrimina­tion at play in the single state that remains will show those policies for what they are — illegitima­te. Strangely enough then, what looks like a victory for Israeli apartheid now may well turn out to be a turning point on the road to its eventual demise.

Saree Makdisi is a professor of English at UCLA.

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