Los Angeles Times

Definition of ‘nonviolent’ is not clear to all

- JOHN MYERS

SACRAMENTO — California has a long history of mixing crime and punishment with raw politics. But outrage doesn’t always translate into coherent policy, and unintended consequenc­es can spark more public anger.

With that in mind, consider the last two years of debate over what should, and should not, be a “violent” crime.

That debate begins with the index of crimes in section 667.5 of the California Penal Code. The list was first enacted in 1976, and has been tinkered with so many times it’s hard to say whether it’s a fair representa­tion of the most heinous crimes.

Here’s why that matters: The list is now a key part of determinin­g which California prison inmates are eligible for early parole under Gov. Jerry Brown’s 2016 ballot measure, Propositio­n 57. A legal fight over how to interpret the ballot measure could become a potent political issue.

Brown signed the law creating the original list of violent crimes during his first tour of duty as governor. It’s since been amended or expanded 38 times, the last effort in 2014. Eight specific offenses or crime categories were in the original version. Now, there are 23 crimes. The list almost doubled in size in just the five years between 1988 and 1993.

So what’s included? Some violent crimes are relatively straightfo­rward — murder, attempted murder, voluntary manslaught­er, robbery, kidnapping. (Kidnapping, interestin­gly, was dropped from the list in 1977 with no noteworthy explanatio­n and added back in 1991.) Some additions, like the inclusion of carjacking in 1993, were sparked by news events. A prosecutor told The Times that year that classifyin­g the crime as “violent” would give “local district attorneys another weapon in their arsenal to attack this epidemic.”

Voters opted to tweak the law twice, making substantia­l changes that weren’t well publicized in those elections. Propositio­n 21 in 2000 removed the long-standing focus on specific kinds of robberies — those in someone’s home and involving a “deadly or dangerous weapon” — and instead made “any robbery” a violent crime. In 2006, voters added more definition­s of sex crimes.

And yet other crimes have long been sliced relatively thin. Only specific circumstan­ces in the case of rape or first-degree burglary are on the list of violent crimes. It’s doubtful, as a result, that the 23 offenses cover everything the average California­n would think of as being “violent.”

This might not be a pressing issue if not for the changes brought on by Brown’s 2016 ballot measure, which expanded parole opportunit­ies to those serving time for a “nonviolent felony offense.” That phrase is brand-new, and Propositio­n 57 placed the term in the California Constituti­on.

It’s unclear, though, whether “nonviolent felony offense” is just another way of saying any crime that’s not on the list of violent crimes. A Sacramento Superior Court judge last month rejected that idea. At the same time, the judge ruled that some convicted sex offenders — who the Brown administra­tion has deemed ineligible under Propositio­n 57 — should be considered for release because they weren’t convicted of one of the 23 crimes.

Judge Allen Sumner’s ruling seemed to hint that current law is full of knots crying out to be untangled. He wrote that “it is by no means clear what the voters understood, or intended, the term ‘nonviolent’ to mean.”

The simplest way to clear that up would seem to be a comprehens­ive revision of the list of 23 violent crimes. And yet victims rights advocates want to create a new list, 51 crimes in all, that would disqualify someone for parole. How — or if — the two lists would work together is unclear. Few things are simple in the politics of criminal justice.

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