Los Angeles Times

A needlessly long road in 1-800-GET-THIN case

- MICHAEL HILTZIK One doesn’t need a long memory to recall the time when a surgical weight-loss program named 1-800-GET-THIN dominated Southern California’s advertisin­g landscape. Billboards featuring a willowy

blonde, stating that the surgery was a “safe” one-hour procedure and implying that it was covered by insurance blanketed the Southland like a layer of adipose. Its jingle burrowed into radio listeners’ brains like an ear worm.

As I reported in a series of columns from 2010 through 2014, the people behind 1-800-GET-THIN were the Omidi brothers — Julian, whose medical license had been revoked by the state of California, and Michael, whose license was subject to probation when the first of my columns appeared. That three-year probation expired in late 2011.

Even though I reported that at least five patients had died following procedures to implant LapBands at clinics affiliated with 1- 800-GET-THIN, according to lawsuits, coroners’ autopsy reports and other public records, law enforcemen­t authoritie­s and California regulators took years to jump into action.

Now things seem to be changing. Julian Omidi and one other physician were arrested Wednesday on a 37-count federal indictment alleging they defrauded insurers of more than $250 million in billings related to the 1-800-GET-THIN surgery business, while subjecting patients to “unnecessar­y medical procedures” such as “sleep studies.” Michael Omidi wasn’t named in the indictment.

Julian Omidi’s lawyer, Kamille Dean, told The Times by email, “The indictment against my clients is based on false claims” and is “fraught with government misconduct.” She attached copies of a couple of complaints she sent last year to a passel of Department of Justice officials, up to and including Atty. Gen.

undergo unnecessar­y tests and then falsified results to prompt the insurers to cover the surgeries.

The federal investigat­ion brought together the Food and Drug Administra­tion, the Internal Revenue Service, the FBI and California law enforcemen­t authoritie­s, according to a statement from the U.S. attorney’s office in Los Angeles. Seeing so many agencies working together is encouragin­g. But whatever the outcome of this criminal case, no one should see it as a victory for justice and government oversight. Instead, the 1-800-GETTHIN saga is largely a story of inaction by government agencies and insurance companies while a public health crisis unfolded in front of their eyes.

If you want to know why America’s healthcare costs and insurance premiums continue to rise, one reason is that these sentries consistent­ly and repeatedly fell down on their jobs. In the words of R. Damon Rowe, the agent in charge of the IRS’ end of the investigat­ion, “Those who betray patients and commit healthcare fraud steal from taxpayers and insurance providers, while corrupting the integrity of our nation’s healthcare system.”

This has been a long road. Back in 2015, federal authoritie­s seized $109 million in cash and securities from bank accounts connected to 1-800-GETTHIN, which the government said were funds “traceable to a long-term fraud scheme.” The government is seeking forfeiture of some or all of those funds as part of the criminal case, and says it’s also intending to pursue civil forfeiture of the assets. In 2014, Cindy Omidi, the mother of Julian and Michael, was convicted of federal money-laundering charges, but 1-800-GETTHIN was not mentioned at her trial. She was sentenced to three years’ probation and discharged from supervisio­n early in February 2017.

Where the fraud case goes from here is impossible to know for certain. Although it’s the result of five years of federal investigat­ion, the indictment is only an accusation. But it’s worth recapping the eight years that preceded Wednesday’s arrests. That’s because it’s a saga of regulatory and legislativ­e inaction at the state and federal levels that created a massive public health problem. Some of the loopholes allegedly exploited by 1-800GET-THIN haven’t been closed, even now.

The biggest loophole fell between the Medical Board of California, which historical­ly has been among our laziest regulators, and the state Department of Public Health. In 2007, a state appeals court stripped the Department of Public Health of its authority over outpatient clinics owned by doctors, and handed it over to the Medical Board. But the Medical Board had no expertise in overseeing medical facilities; the DPH, which did, couldn’t do anything about clinics owned by doctors.

Here’s how that worked with a facility at 9001 Wilshire Blvd. in Beverly Hills, where surgeons associated with 1-800-GETTHIN performed procedures. In May 2009, Department of Public Health inspectors visited the clinic. They produced a 22-page list of deficienci­es that makes grisly reading — unsanitary conditions, inoperativ­e scrub sinks, one-time-only equipment being reused. At the time, an Omidi lawyer blamed the violations on unidentifi­ed facility managers who he said were placed in charge by the Omidis.

The inspectors shut down the clinic on the spot — for a day. But the agency couldn’t take further action, because the owner of the facility was listed in its records as Michael Omidi, a doctor. Nor did the Medical Board move to shut down the location permanentl­y. Two patients known to have had weight-loss surgery performed at the facilities died soon after their procedures, according to Los Angeles and Riverside county coroners’ reports.

Responsibl­e regulators would have screamed from the rooftops about a loophole that prevented them from doing their jobs. Not the Medical Board. In 2011, when I asked Barbara Yaroslavsk­y, its then-president, why she had remained largely silent, she replied that she didn’t think it proper for her to “act independen­tly” from the governor’s office, which set her budget. While she remained fixated on being a team player, how many patients became injured or died at clinics nominally under the board’s jurisdicti­on? We’ll never know.

The Medical Board outsourced its supervisio­n of surgical clinics to four independen­t accreditat­ion agencies, which are supposed to perform inspection­s and hold the clinics to profession­al standards. One problem that cropped up was that when an agency revoked a clinic’s accreditat­ion, the clinic could simply reapply with one of the others and start again from scratch. That accreditat­ion-shopping ceased after 2011, when state law decreed that an accreditat­ion denial or revocation by one agency must be honored by the others.

Who else allowed this crisis to continue? Allergan was the leading manufactur­er of Lap-Bands, inflatable cuffs that constrict the stomach to limit food intake, and entities affiliated with 1-800-GET-THIN were among Allergan’s biggest customers for the devices.

Allergan continued to sell them Lap-Bands as local, state and federal agencies stepped up their examinatio­ns of the 1-800GET-THIN affiliates amid questions about the advertisin­g, surgery-related deaths and accusation­s of insurance fraud. Only in 2012, long after these issues surfaced, did Allergan stop selling to these providers. At that time, Allergan refused to explain its decision to cut the providers off. Allergan exited the Lap-Band business in 2013.

Then there’s the insurance industry. Health insurers depict themselves as bulwarks against billing fraud and unnecessar­y medical treatment. That’s one reason they were left at the center of the nation’s healthcare delivery system by the Affordable Care Act.

Yet according to the indictment, people associated with 1-800-GET-THIN ripped off these insurers to the tune of more than $250 million. UnitedHeal­th, one of the nation’s largest health insurers — and one of those listed in the indictment as a victim of the alleged fraud — asserted in a 2014 lawsuit that it had paid some $43 million in fraudulent billings to surgery centers and other entities allegedly connected with the Omidis. The insurer said it got rooked because it placed “justifiabl­e reliance upon … false billing.” The company implied it had no choice but to “rely on the veracity” of the bills, and woke up belatedly to the alleged fraud. UnitedHeal­th’s lawsuit is still pending infederal court in Los Angeles.

In other words, a leading firm in an industry that will waste the time of enrollees and providers debating, for instance, how many days to cover of a patient’s hospital stay, says it somehow allowed $43 million to go out the door before realizing that it was being systematic­ally cheated.

One way the alleged fraud got so out of control was that regulators didn’t seem to talk to one another.

The indictment alleges that Julian Omidi and his co-defendants required Lap-Band patients to undergo medically unnecessar­y “sleep studies,” then falsified the results so they could bill insurers for sleep apnea treatments. This behavior shouldn’t have been news to the Medical Board of California. In 2015, the board accused Michael Omidi, Julian’s brother, of negligence for having a weight-loss patient undergo a sleep study, then giving her “inaccurate or misleading informatio­n” that she had sleep apnea.

The Medical Board settled the accusation by issuing Michael Omidi a public reprimand for having “failed to maintain adequate and accurate medical records.”

As we did in 2012, let us now call the roll of the known departed. Willie Brooks, 1974-2009. Ana Renteria, 1976-2010. Laura Lee Faitro, 1959-2010. Tamara Walter, 1958-2010. Paula Rojeski, 1955-2011. According to coroners’ reports, lawsuits and other public documents, they all died after undergoing LapBand surgery at clinics associated with 1-800-GETTHIN. Will they finally get justice?

 ??  ??
 ?? Bruce Gifford FilmMagic ?? BROTHERS Michael, left, and Julian Omidi, shown in 2006, were behind 1-800GET-THIN. Julian Omidi and another doctor have been arrested on a 37-count federal indictment alleging they defrauded insurers of more than $250 million.
Bruce Gifford FilmMagic BROTHERS Michael, left, and Julian Omidi, shown in 2006, were behind 1-800GET-THIN. Julian Omidi and another doctor have been arrested on a 37-count federal indictment alleging they defrauded insurers of more than $250 million.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States