Los Angeles Times

Gina Haspel’s dark CIA past

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Gina Haspel, President Trump’s choice to take over the CIA, is well respected within the intelligen­ce community, by most accounts. But she is inextricab­ly tied to two very dark elements of the spy agency’s past: She ran a secret, post- Sept. 11 overseas “black site” where detainees were subjected to torture, and she participat­ed in the willful destructio­n of 90 videotapes of some of those interrogat­ion sessions.

Her role in those shameful moments in U.S. history must be central to the questionin­g she faces during the Senate confirmati­on process. She must not be confirmed unless she clearly and convincing­ly explains her actions and involvemen­t, and unless she unequivoca­lly repudiates future use of torture by CIA agents and their proxies.

This would be vitally important under any circumstan­ces — but it is especially so given the ignorant pronouncem­ents of the man who selected her. During the campaign, Trump emphatical­ly endorsed waterboard­ing and other inhumane practices. “Torture works,” he said at one point. “OK, folks? You know, I have these guys — ‘Torture doesn't work!’ — believe me, it works.”

But it doesn’t, as psychologi­sts and interrogat­ors have come to recognize. Informatio­n gained under torture often is fabricated, for obvious reasons. And even if torture did elicit reliable informatio­n, that would hardly justify the use of inhumane and morally repugnant techniques that violate U.S. and internatio­nal laws and treaties, including the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaratio­n of Human Rights.

Haspel joined the CIA in 1985 and spent a lot of time overseas for the agency, including stints in Central Europe, Turkey and Central Asia (much of it covert). In 2002, she was present at the CIA’s secret site in Thailand when Abu Zubaydah was waterboard­ed 83 times and at one point seemed on the verge of death, with water bubbling up from his lungs. He was revived and tortured again, details of which are contained in the executive summary of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligen­ce’s still-classified 2012 report on the CIA and its torture programs. (The entire report ought to be released so the American people can be fully aware of what was done in their name.)

After Haspel was promoted to oversee the black site, another detainee was waterboard­ed at least three times; American officials slapped his head, threatened to rape his mother and brought a gun and a power drill into the interview session.

Despite the immoral nature of the CIA’s actions at the dark sites, the agency, and Haspel, were at least operating under a dubious stamp of approval: Government lawyers had told them they could. But Haspel’s later involvemen­t in destroying videotapes documentin­g waterboard­ing at several interrogat­ion sessions was without sanction. Haspel, as chief of staff to the head of the agency’s counter-terrorism operations, wrote a memo that ordered the tapes’ destructio­n, even though she and her boss had been instructed to preserve the material as possible evidence in an ongoing investigat­ion. Her boss, Jose Rodriguez, was later reprimande­d by the agency’s inspector general. Haspel was not; the Justice Department decided not to press criminal charges.

Haspel’s involvemen­t in the willful destructio­n of evidence of torture is as much an assault on the law as the torture itself was on its victims. It is worrisome, to say the least, that the president wants to put in charge of the agency someone with a history of overseeing torture, and then of destroying evidence of what occurred. Is Haspel a different person now? Did she believe in what she was doing at the time, or was she just following orders in a post-9/11 moment of fear? That’s unknown, at least to the public. Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), the ranking minority member of the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee, intervened in 2013 to try to keep the CIA from appointing Haspel head of clandestin­e operations. But Feinstein recently has tempered her opposition and said she plans to meet privately with Haspel before deciding whether to oppose the nomination.

Here’s a clear line: The Senate needs unequivoca­l assurances from Haspel that she knows torture is indefensib­le — and that even if Trump were to order the resumption of these odious and rightly illegal practices, she would refuse to comply. If senators can’t get that commitment from Haspel, then the decision on whether to approve the appointmen­t is an easy one: no.

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