Los Angeles Times

‘Navy SEALs of cybersecur­ity’

FireEye is a key player in the fight against disinforma­tion and election meddling.

- By Mae Anderson Anderson writes for the Associated Press.

This week, major social media companies stepped up their policing of online disinforma­tion campaigns.

Google disabled dozens of YouTube channels and other accounts linked to a state-run Iranian broadcaste­r running a political-influence campaign.

Facebook removed 652 suspicious pages, groups and accounts linked to Russia and Iran.

Twitter took similar action shortly thereafter.

What did they have in common? The security firm FireEye Inc.

Best known for its work on high-profile cyberattac­ks against companies including Target, JPMorgan Chase and Sony Pictures, FireEye is emerging as a key player in the fight against election interferen­ce and disinforma­tion campaigns.

Based in Milpitas, north of San Jose, FireEye is staffed with a roster of former military and law enforcemen­t computer experts.

“They’ve really become the Navy SEALs of cybersecur­ity, especially for nextgenera­tion cybersecur­ity threats,” GBH Insights analyst Dan Ives said.

Lee Foster, manager of informatio­n operations analysis at FireEye, said his team works within the company’s intelligen­ce outfit, which researches not only “info-ops” — like the Iranlinked social media activity it recently uncovered — but also espionage, financial crime and other forms of vulnerabil­ity and exploitati­on. Specialist teams at FireEye focus on particular areas of cyberthrea­ts, each with its own expertise and language capabiliti­es.

“We kind of operate like a private-sector intelligen­ce operation,” Foster said.

FireEye was founded in 2004 by Ashar Aziz, who developed a system for spotting threats that haven’t been tracked before, unlike older companies that sold firewalls or anti-virus programs that block known malware. Aziz, a former Sun Microsyste­ms engineer, created a system that uses software to simulate a computer network and check programs for suspicious behavior, before allowing them into the network itself.

FireEye raised its profile in 2014 by acquiring Mandiant, known for expertise in assessing damage and tracing the source of cyberattac­ks. Mandiant founder Kevin Mandia, a former U.S. Air Force investigat­or, is FireEye’s chief executive.

While businesses are spending more on informatio­n security, FireEye has spent heavily on research, developmen­t, sales and marketing. That has led to struggles to remain profitable.

FireEye reported this month that its second-quarter revenue rose 6% to $203 million, but it posted a loss of $72.9 million, or 38 cents a share. That met analysts’ expectatio­ns, but it seems investors expected more: The company’s shares fell on the news.

That’s a common problem in the white-hot cybersecur­ity sector, which includes competitor­s such as Palo Alto Networks, CloudFlare and Check Point. The companies are facing high expectatio­ns as the cybersecur­ity market booms, fueled by heightened fears of cyberattac­ks and hacking.

“As the space has become more competitiv­e, profitabil­ity and growth has been a challenge” for FireEye, Ives said.

Still, FireEye’s stock jumped 5.8% on Thursday when news broke of its role in uncovering the fake accounts on YouTube, Facebook and Twitter. It climbed an additional 3.9% on Friday to close at $16.37 a share.

And the company’s reputation continues to grow.

“There are many vendors that play in cybersecur­ity when you look at some of the very sophistica­ted threats facing enterprise and government­s,” Ives said. “FireEye many times gets that first phone call.”

 ?? FireEye ?? FIREEYE says these Twitter pages are affiliated with Liberty Front Press, which the security firm calls an influence operation masqueradi­ng as liberal U.S. activists that apparently promotes Iranian political interests.
FireEye FIREEYE says these Twitter pages are affiliated with Liberty Front Press, which the security firm calls an influence operation masqueradi­ng as liberal U.S. activists that apparently promotes Iranian political interests.

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