Los Angeles Times

Redo the House race in North Carolina

- Ronald J. Krotoszyns­ki Jr. is a law professor at the University of Alabama. By Ronald J. Krotoszyns­ki Jr.

The final undecided seat in the U.S. House of Representa­tives is now in the hands of the North Carolina Board of Elections and Ethics Enforcemen­t. After refusing to certify the result in the state’s 9th Congressio­nal District — where Republican Mark Harris leads by just 905 votes — the board is now investigat­ing allegation­s of illegal ballot harvesting, tampering with absentee ballots and a leak of early voting results.

The question for North Carolina election officials — and potentiall­y for the new Democratic House majority — is what to do now. Between possibly fraudulent absentee ballots and ballots not cast, there’s simply no way to know who actually won. Constituti­onally, there is only one credible solution: The general election, and probably the primary, must be re-run in the 9th District.

The House of Representa­tives, part of the “people’s branch,” was designed by the framers to be the most democratic­ally accountabl­e part of the federal government. A person must win an election to serve in the House. By way of contrast, the electoral college selects the president and, under the original Constituti­on, state legislatur­es selected senators. The 17th Amendment changed Senate elections to a popular vote in 1913, but midterm vacancies can in most states still be filled by an appointee of a state’s governor.

No such provision exists for appointmen­ts to the House of Representa­tives. When a member of the House resigns or dies while in office, a special election must be held to fill the seat — even if this means that the people of a particular district must go without representa­tion for weeks or even months as a result.

The imprimatur of direct democracy is so important, in fact, that a person duly elected to serve must be seated. The House has the constituti­onal authority to discipline or even expel a member, but only after seating him.

In the 1960s, the House refused to seat New York Rep. Adam Clayton Powell Jr., voting to “exclude” him because of alleged personal and financial misconduct. The House declared the seat vacant and a special election took place. The voters of Powell’s district, by an overwhelmi­ng margin, again returned him to Congress and that time he was seated.

The exclusion issue, however, went to the Supreme Court. In 1969, the justices held that a person who secured the most votes and otherwise met the minimum constituti­onal requiremen­ts of age, citizenshi­p and residency could not be excluded from the House. Chief Justice Earl Warren explained that “a fundamenta­l principle of our representa­tive democracy is, in Hamilton’s words, ‘that the people should choose whom they please to govern them.’”

In other words, if a district’s voters want to send a scoundrel to represent them, that is their constituti­onal prerogativ­e — so long as the scoundrel was properly elected.

In North Carolina, the election board can order a new general election if it concludes that the goings-on in the 9th District “taint the result of the entire election and cast doubt on its fairness.”

If they refuse, the House is not without recourse. The House Committee on Administra­tion can investigat­e, and if it harbors doubts in the election’s validity, it can (and should) simply declare the seat vacant. That would force North Carolina to hold a new election, including new primaries.

Allegation­s of tampering with absentee ballots demand a serious response. Even so, making early or absentee voting even more difficult — in North Carolina or elsewhere — would be a misguided response. Making voting more difficult, through fewer polling stations that generate long waiting lines on election day, actually enables the type of ballot harvesting fraud alleged in this case. If one has to drive 20 miles and then wait for three hours to vote, of course you’d like that nice young woman to come pick up your absentee ballot at your house.

When voting is simple, easy and quick, the opportunit­ies for skulldugge­ry shrink. Several western states, including California, Oregon, and Washington, have adopted reliable and easy vote-bymail programs. In these jurisdicti­ons there were more than a few very close contests, but no credible allegation­s of widespread election fraud. Moreover, enabling more citizens to vote in House elections would significan­tly enhance the body’s democratic bona fides and better fulfill the framers’ intentions.

This is an important moment for American democracy. To certify either Republican Mark Harris or his Democratic opponent, Dan McCready, as the winner would be to seat a person whose legitimate election to the House is open to grave doubt.

The people of the 9th District have a constituti­onal right to select a person of their own choosing to represent them. North Carolina needs to permit them to exercise this right in a free and fair election — even if that requires an expensive and time-consuming do-over.

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