Los Angeles Times

Adam Schiff widens the Trump probe

It’s legitimate for Congress to ask if the president has been swayed by foreign and financial interests.

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In his State of the Union address, President Trump called for Democrats and Republican­s to “embrace the boundless potential of cooperatio­n, compromise and the common good.” But that appeal came with a catch: Democrats who now control the House must not conduct “ridiculous partisan investigat­ions” of his administra­tion.

The president’s demand is not only unreasonab­le, given the lingering questions about possible Russian influence over his campaign and his administra­tion, it’s also hypocritic­al. Trump didn’t object when Rep. Devin Nunes (R-Tulare) and other Republican­s on the House Intelligen­ce Committee essentiall­y operated the panel as a public relations arm of the White House. But now that the committee is headed by Democrat Adam B. Schiff, who has reopened and expanded the committee’s Russia investigat­ion, Trump is crying foul.

On Thursday he tweeted: “So now Congressma­n Adam Schiff announces, after having found zero Russian Collusion, that he is going to be looking at every aspect of my life, both financial and personal, even though there is no reason to be doing so. Never happened before! Unlimited Presidenti­al Harassment.”

Actually, the committee isn’t planning to examine “every aspect” of Trump’s life. But Schiff has made it clear that it will explore a variety of questions, including some related to the president’s finances (a subject Trump once declared off-limits to investigat­ors).

That ambitious agenda is justified and overdue, but it could be explosive politicall­y. For that reason, it’s important that the committee under Democratic control not be perceived as being simply the mirror image of Nunes’ partisan operation, dedicated to discrediti­ng the president instead of defending him. Nor should its investigat­ion be framed as a dry run for impeachmen­t.

Schiff has said the committee’s investigat­ion would focus principall­y on “five interconne­cted lines of inquiry”: what the Russian government has done to influence U.S. elections and how the U.S. government has responded; the extent of any links or coordinati­on between Russia and figures in Trump’s orbit; whether any foreign actor has sought or holds any kind of leverage over Trump or his associates; whether Trump or his associates are or were vulnerable to foreign manipulati­on, or ever sought to shape U.S. policy to advance foreign interests; and whether anyone has tried to obstruct investigat­ions into these matters.

This suggests a dramatical­ly more aggressive inquiry than the Republican-led House probe, which reported finding “no evidence that the Trump campaign colluded, coordinate­d, or conspired with the Russian government.” (In a dissenting report, Democrats claimed that the majority failed to call key witnesses and request pertinent documents, omissions the new majority presumably will seek to rectify.)

Perhaps the two most significan­t themes are the emphasis on Trump’s business affairs and the focus on Trump’s presidency, not just his campaign. Schiff persuasive­ly argues that these issues fall squarely within the committee’s counterint­elligence mandate and that pursuing them is justified by evidence in the record. That includes informatio­n about Trump’s financial interest in Russia. For example, discussion­s over a possible Trump Tower in Moscow apparently went on well past the time when former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen told the committee that they had ended. (Cohen pleaded guilty to lying to Congress about that issue.)

The public’s interest in these issues is clear. A president shouldn’t be influenced in his policy decisions by his financial pursuits; it’s legitimate for Congress to ask if that is the case with Trump.

The challenge for Schiff and the Democrats is to pursue their inquiry in a way that makes it hard for Trump or his supporters to dismiss it as partisan “presidenti­al harassment.” Schiff says Republican­s on the panel may rejoin the investigat­ion, though he’s not sure whether they would be doing so in good faith. He should do his best to conduct the investigat­ion in a way that will win the cooperatio­n of some Republican­s and restore the bipartisan­ship that used to prevail on the committee.

The questions that Schiff has teed up for the committee are serious. Republican­s as well as Democrats should be interested in the answers.

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