Los Angeles Times

In Spain, echoes of former dictator Franco

Vox could be the first far-right party to enter parliament in decades after elections Sunday.

- By Meg Bernhard Bernhard is a Times special correspond­ent.

BARCELONA, Spain — The nightclub was dark. A crowd of cocktail-holding partygoers — mostly 20- and 30-year-olds — waved Spanish flags and shouted, “Viva España!”

They sang along to an electronic version of the Spanish national anthem and chanted “Jail Puigdemont!” in reference to the former president of Catalonia who fled the country a year and a half ago. One man made a fascist salute.

“Good evening, patriots,” yelled Ignacio Garriga, a candidate for Spain’s parliament­ary elections, from the stage. “This Sunday will be a historic day. This Sunday we are excited to start the reconquist­a of Spain.”

This Spain, he continued, is “unaware of its enemies, who are the separatist­s, the communists, the revolution­aries and all of those who defend the discourse of the politicall­y correct.”

“Rojos!” — Reds! — a man jeered.

“This coming April 28, we are going to win to defend the future of our fatherland,” Garriga said.

“Viva España!” the crowd screamed back.

The group of young people had gathered late Thursday to support Vox, the xenophobic Spanish political party whose rhetoric contains echoes of former Spanish dictator Francisco Franco.

After elections Sunday, Vox will likely be the first farright party to enter parliament since Spain’s return to democracy 40 years ago.

The setting was fraught with symbolism: Barcelona, the capital of Spain’s prosperous northeaste­rn region of Catalonia, is the heart of a regional secessioni­st drive that prompted an angry backlash of Spanish nationalis­m and helped lead to the rise of Vox.

Questions of national unity and identity have defined this spring’s general election — Spain’s third in four years — which Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez called after failing to pass a national budget in February.

“It’s a very emotional election,” said Jose Ignacio Torreblanc­a, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations in Madrid. “It’s very contested, very polarized, with a big question mark over where voters are going to go with … national identity, with identifica­tion in relation to Catalonia.”

Analysts predict that no single party will gain a majority, meaning that parties will need to make coalitions in order to form a government. A coalition government would cement a new era of political fragmentat­ion in Spanish politics, which had reliably seen a parliament ruled by the conservati­ve Popular Party or the Socialist Workers’ Party since the country’s transition to democracy following the death of Franco in 1975.

In the background of the election is the Catalan independen­ce crisis, which came to a head in October 2017 when separatist­s held an independen­ce referendum deemed unconstitu­tional by the Spanish government. While the referendum drew only 40% of eligible voters, 90% of them voted to secede, and three weeks later, Carles Puigdemont, the region’s president at the time, declared independen­ce — leading to Spain’s deepest constituti­onal crisis since its return to democracy.

In response, the Spanish government, then led by the Popular Party, fired the Catalan parliament, wrested control of the region, began arresting the movement’s leaders and called for fresh regional elections in December.

At the time, separatist­s and some on the left criticized the Spanish government for acting with impunity. But Spaniards on the right didn’t think the Popular Party went far enough.

Former supporters of the Popular Party turned toward alternativ­e parties like Vox and Citizens — a center-right group known for its firm stance against Catalan independen­ce — who reject negotiatio­n with separatist­s and call for another takeover of the region.

“You have to vote for Vox, because around a year ago Mariano Rajoy abandoned us,” said Jose Lopez, 29, a Barcelona resident at the Thursday event, referring to the Popular Party prime minister. “You have to bring order back to Spain.”

Rajoy was ousted in June after a vote of no confidence regarding a corruption scandal in his party. Socialist Sanchez formed a minority government with the backing of Catalan independen­tistas, leading his critics to accuse him of being too friendly with the separatist­s.

But the same separatist­s failed to back his February budget, forcing him to call elections.

Vox was founded in 2013 when a few members of the Popular Party broke off to form their own party with a tougher stance on Basque and Catalan nationalis­m.

At the time, the party was small and wielded little influence, unlike nationalis­t, anti-immigrant right-wing movements that were spreading across Europe.

But in December, Vox gained a footing in politics when it won 11% of the vote in Andalusian regional elections, surpassing expectatio­ns and helping to oust the Socialists who had held power there for 36 years.

In the years since its founding, the party has adopted the populist playbook. Vox stokes fear of immigrants, demonizes feminists and urges a return to Spanish values in a country corrupted by “left-wing extremists.”

Most essential to its platform is its call for Spanish unity.

The party — whose supporters are primarily 25- to 44-year-old middle- to middle-upper-class men, according to Spain’s Center for Sociologic­al Investigat­ions — also employs language associated with Franco’s dictatorsh­ip and the Spanish age of conquest.

Vox leaders call for the “reconquest” of Spain, harking back to the 800-year Spanish campaign, completed in 1492, to expel Muslims from the Iberian Peninsula. They appeal to Spanish nationalis­m.

At the Barcelona event, a congressio­nal candidate played “El Novio de la Muerte,” a song associated with the Spanish Legion, a military body that Franco commanded in the 1920s.

“In all of this vocabulary, there is clearly a substratum of anti-democratis­m, of Francoism,” said Matilde Eiroa San Francisco, a journalism professor at the University of Carlos III of Madrid. “They don’t negate it.”

Vox’s rise also underscore­s a deep conflict in Spanish society about how to interpret Franco’s nearly 40-year dictatorsh­ip.

In June, Franco’s remains will be removed from the Valley of the Fallen, an imposing basilica the dictator had built, in part by forced labor, as a monument to his victory in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39. The move, intended as a symbolic reckoning with the country’s past, sparked outcry from Spanish conservati­ves, some of whom don’t consider Franco a dictator.

Vox publicly denounced the exhumation.

Earlier Thursday evening in Girona, the most independen­tista province in Catalonia and the city where Puigdemont lived before he fled, a crowd of about 100 people poured into a banquet hall to listen to speeches from local Vox candidates.

Organizers were on high alert in such unwelcome territory. They employed three security guards and papered the windows to prevent journalist­s from peeking in. To one photograph­er standing outside the event, an attendee said gruffly, “Take a photo of me and I will burn your camera.”

A pair of protesters tried to sneak into the venue with a Catalan f lag. They were denied entry.

 ?? Manuel Bruque EPA/Shuttersto­ck ?? SANTIAGO ABASCAL, the leader of Vox, waves at an event Thursday in Valencia, Spain. National unity and identity questions have defined the general election.
Manuel Bruque EPA/Shuttersto­ck SANTIAGO ABASCAL, the leader of Vox, waves at an event Thursday in Valencia, Spain. National unity and identity questions have defined the general election.

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