Los Angeles Times

Of candidates and tax returns

- fter the deeply

Adismaying 2016 presidenti­al election, the Democratic-controlled California Legislatur­e dedicated itself to “the resistance,” with leaders saying they would stand up to the new president to protect the state’s values from his more onerous policies. Some of the resulting legislatio­n, such as new laws to protect undocument­ed immigrants and to pursue California’s climate goals over the objections of the White House, have been necessary to stop real harm. Others, not so much.

Among the latter was a 2017 bill that would have required any candidate who wished to appear on the state’s presidenti­al primary ballot to provide his or her tax returns first. The bill was obviously a slap at President Trump, who stubbornly refused to share his returns during the 2016 race despite long-standing tradition. Many Americans were rightly outraged at Trump’s recalcitra­nce, and many were suspicious of his motivation­s for keeping his taxes secret.

Of course, presidenti­al candidates ought to share their returns with the public. Voters should insist on it so that they can learn about any financial conflicts of interest or efforts at tax avoidance. But the Legislatur­e’s effort to create a California-only requiremen­t aimed at one particular president went too far. Then-Gov. Jerry Brown, who is as much a critic of Trump’s policies as any other Democratic lawmaker in the state, agreed. He vetoed the bill, seeing it for the overreach it was. Where would this lead, he wondered in his veto message? Would the state soon demand candidates’ health records and high school report cards?

That should have been the end of it. But a similar bill returned this year. The new Presidenti­al Tax Transparen­cy and Accountabi­lity Act would require President Trump and all other presidenti­al and gubernator­ial candidates who want to appear on the California primary ballot in 2020 and beyond to submit five years of tax returns to the secretary of state. It remains a bad idea. Neverthele­ss, both houses of the Legislatur­e passed it again, perhaps thinking that

new Gov. Gavin Newsom would be more inclined to sign it than Brown.

If Newsom does sign the bill, it would make California the first state to adopt this new requiremen­t, and it might embolden other states considerin­g similar legislatio­n. He should not. It should be up to voters to punish candidates for their lack of transparen­cy, not partisan state legislatur­es.

A tax return requiremen­t might sound reasonable to Democrats, but how about a birth certificat­e? In an obviously political dig at then-President Obama, who had been plagued by birthers throughout his two terms (Trump among them), the Republican-controlled Arizona Legislatur­e in 2011 voted to require presidenti­al candidates provide birth certificat­es before they could be included on the state’s ballot. That bill was vetoed. Do we really think that each state should be placing its own requiremen­ts on candidates above and beyond those laid out in the U.S. Constituti­on? Do we want partisan Legislatur­es making those decisions based on which presidents they support and which they oppose?

While federal law gives states the authority to regulate some ballot access for federal elections, it’s not clear if they even have the legal right to place further restrictio­ns on presidenti­al candidates beyond what is already required, as the California Legislatur­e’s own policy analysts noted. The Constituti­on requires only that a candidate be 35 years old, a natural-born U.S. citizen and a resident of the U.S. for at least 14 years.

If this bill is signed into law, it will likely be challenged in court. This would put California in the position of wasting time and money fighting for a dubious law that could deny millions of its own residents the right to vote for the candidate of their choice in the 2020 primary election. That’s not right.

Newsom may be a Democrat, but he’s also the leader of a state that is home to more than 5 million registered Republican­s. This is one point where the governor must put aside the politics of resistance and make the right nonpartisa­n decision for all California­ns.

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