Los Angeles Times

Big Tech’s political targeting

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Over the last year and a half, politician­s and activists have spent more than $900 million pumping 5.7 million ads through Facebook’s network. Is there any wonder the company is reluctant to crimp that pipeline?

In late September, Facebook took off one of the few restrictio­ns it had placed on political advertiser­s, exempting candidates and political parties from the fact-checking process it had instituted to slow the viruslike spread of fake news on the platform. If President Trump wanted to run an ad saying he has proof that former Vice President Joe Biden is a Ukrainian spy, he’s free to do so. And if Biden wanted to respond with an ad showing a faked Kenyan birth certificat­e for Trump, he can do that too.

We’re all for candidates speaking freely to the public. But we’re not comfortabl­e with the way Facebook and other tech companies enable candidates and campaigns to turn their speech into something more manipulati­ve and powerful than it would otherwise be.

Facebook’s move was such an alarming renunciati­on of responsibi­lity, politician­s and good-government advocates were aghast. They’ve been pressing for change ever since Facebook’s see-no-evil approach to political ads became official in September. The company appears to be responding; according to the Wall Street Journal, Facebook executives are exploring ways to reduce the power political advertiser­s have to manipulate Facebook users. In particular, they’re discussing ways to limit how precisely political ads can be targeted to specific audiences.

These discussion­s come as Twitter and Google are also adjusting the tools they offer political advertiser­s. But these Big Tech companies are finding that there’s no easy way to balance two vital but competing interests: our society’s free-speech values and our interest in free and fair elections.

Along with Google’s sister company YouTube, the three companies dominate online advertisin­g as well as play a central role in the flow of informatio­n on the internet. It’s more than just their near-ubiquitous reach; it’s also the tools they offer to deliver messages tailored to individual leanings and susceptibi­lities, and the algorithms that some of them use to decide which posts to favor and which ones to bury.

Combined, these factors have the potential not just to amplify deceit, but to deliver it to the people most likely to believe it. As Twitter chief Jack Dorsey put it, “Internet political ads present entirely new challenges to civic discourse: machine learning-based optimizati­on of messaging and micro-targeting, unchecked misleading informatio­n, and deep fakes. All at increasing velocity, sophistica­tion, and overwhelmi­ng scale.”

We don’t want Big Tech companies to be a gatekeeper, picking and choosing which political speech is allowable. But neither do we want them to make their amplifiers and their vulnerabil­ity-seeking targeting tools available to candidates seeking to deceive, especially not when these companies have a financial incentive to turn a blind eye to abuses of their platforms. Otherwise, there will be no boundaries, and we will truly be a post-truth society.

So now Facebook is reportedly pursuing what you might call a light-touch approach, even as it refuses to impose the same standards on political ads that it does on all other advertiser­s. Yet even its restrictio­ns on targeting seem weak; according to the Wall Street Journal, candidates will be able to use any of the profile informatio­n Facebook collects on its users to target ads, as long as at least a few thousand people are in that group. Call it not-so-micro micro-targeting.

Google appears to be heading in a more promising direction. Last week, the company announced that it will bar election-related ads from including “doctored or manipulate­d media” or “making demonstrab­ly false claims that could significan­tly undermine participat­ion or trust in an electoral or democratic process.” It also will bar political advertiser­s from accessing the personalit­y profiles Google builds from users’ web browsing. Instead, those advertiser­s will be allowed to tailor their messages only according to general demographi­c informatio­n, such as a viewer’s gender, age and ZIP Code.

Neverthele­ss, Google is inserting itself into an uncomforta­ble place. If the National Rifle Assn. wants to run an ad a month before an election criticizin­g a member of Congress for voting for a gun-control bill, is that “election-related”? How much does a video have to be edited to be considered “doctored”? Does taking something that’s demonstrab­ly true and presenting it in a different context make it demonstrab­ly false?

These are all judgment calls, and not always easy ones. Twitter’s Dorsey believed he had a simpler solution: He announced last month that Twitter would not carry any political ads. That eliminated the factchecki­ng conundrum, but it raised a new question: What, exactly, is a political ad? The company has been backpedali­ng since then, allowing ads related to causes — but only if they don’t push for a specific bill, candidate or regulation, and with limits on targeting. That’s going to make Twitter a lot less useful to people trying to challenge the government­al status quo.

The lesson here isn’t that these companies shouldn’t be trying to make their platforms both open and trustworth­y. It’s that those qualities conflict, and there’s no easy way to overcome that problem.

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