Los Angeles Times

A chance to fix immigratio­n

Biden’s proposed legislatio­n gives Congress a golden opportunit­y to seek compromise­s, and to act.

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Amid his first wave of actions after his inaugurati­on Wednesday, President Biden took direct aim at the nation’s dysfunctio­nal immigratio­n system by rescinding some of the Trump administra­tion’s more extreme approaches to enforcemen­t and pushing Congress to finally adopt comprehens­ive reforms. That’s a refreshing — and responsibl­e — change from his predecesso­r’s unconscion­ably nativist approach.

Biden seeks to embrace a humane and pragmatic view of immigratio­n reform. The executive directives halt further constructi­on of President Trump’s vanity wall along the U.S.-Mexico border; reinvigora­te the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that Trump sought to end; lift the entry ban on people from about a dozen countries, most with significan­t Muslim population­s; and withdraw an order that ramped up immigratio­n sweeps in the interior of the country.

Separately, the Department of Homeland Security announced a 100-day suspension of deportatio­ns as it reviews procedures and a freeze on new enrollment­s in the program that requires border-crossing asylum seekers to remain in Mexico, though it did not offer relief for the 60,000 asylum seekers currently stranded along the border. In a sense, the new directives reset federal polices to those of the Obama administra­tion, which is good enough for now.

Biden’s more ambitious efforts lie within the bill he proposed to Congress this week, the U.S. Citizenshi­p Act of 2021. Among other things, the measure would let some 11 million people now living in the shadows apply for temporary legal status and provide them an eight-year path to citizenshi­p. That is both the strength of the proposal and its major friction point.

A main argument against such “amnesty” is that it encourages migrants to come in without permission in the hope of staying below the radar until the next amnesty comes along. But sweeping amnesties such as what Biden proposes are rare — the last major one came in the Reagan administra­tion — and the reality is that our immigratio­n enforcemen­t has been ineffectiv­e for so long that the U.S. is now home — yes, home — to millions of people without authorizat­ion.

Rousting them all, as the hard-liners advocate, would be impossible to achieve and damaging to the country. As of 2017, half of all unauthoriz­ed immigrants had lived in the U.S. for at least 15 years, according to the Pew Research Center, and their tenure has likely only increased since then. Many have American spouses, American dependents, and contribute to their communitie­s and the economy (including owning businesses that employ Americans). There is nothing to be gained from kicking them out now. Immigratio­n reform must reflect that reality while also ensuring that migrants who credibly pose a risk to public safety do not remain.

Trump’s sweeping enforcemen­t policies have left us with a backlog of 1.3 million cases in immigratio­n courts, which is more than double the backlog he inherited from Obama, with the average wait time of 2.4 years for pending cases. Offering temporary legal status and a path to citizenshi­p would radically reduce that caseload and the delay in resolving cases.

Biden also would use financial aid again to try to stabilize the government­s and economies of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, where migrants have been leaving in the tens of thousands to escape crime and grinding poverty exacerbate­d by the effects of climate change, including two major hurricanes this season in a matter of weeks. Reducing the “push factors” is an important part of the mix, though even Pollyanna would recognize that endemic corruption in the region is a strong headwind to success.

Other elements of Biden’s proposal call for developing better technologi­cal methods to monitor the U.S.-Mexico border, improving processing of new arrivals at ports of entry and expanding efforts to counter internatio­nal traffickin­g in people and drugs. The plan doesn’t give as much attention to border security as conservati­ves typically demand, however. And based on overviews of the proposal, it appears to ignore the problem of people who arrive legally but then don’t leave once their visa expires, which accounts for half of the people who fall into unauthoriz­ed status.

One notable component missing from Biden’s proposed legislativ­e reforms: dismantlin­g the nation’s unnecessar­y, inhumane and mostly privatized system for detaining immigrants, part and parcel of a long-standing (and bipartisan) U.S. policy that some people desperatel­y seeking asylum or the chance for a better life must be deprived of their freedom while the government considers their cases. But the vast majority of detainees pose no risk of fleeing or threatenin­g public safety, and depriving them of their freedom because they seek protection­s is grotesquel­y unjust.

There are, of course, no quick fixes to the broken immigratio­n system, which rivals the tax code in its complexity. The specifics of Biden’s proposed legislatio­n will emerge and be debated in the coming weeks or months, and we fervently hope the reform effort doesn’t get caught up in the same web of resistance that has doomed previous efforts. A Democratic president proposing an immigratio­n overhaul to a Congress in which not even the Democrats are unified means this will be a long slog. But Congress must seize the moment.

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