Los Angeles Times

Case of collective whiplash in D.C.

White House shift from Trump to Biden might be boring if it weren’t so extreme.

- By Chris Megerian and Eli Stokols Times staff writer Noah Bierman contribute­d to this report.

WASHINGTON — The days don’t begin and end with tweets. The press secretary hasn’t lied about crowd sizes or insulted reporters. White House events have carefully calibrated themes. And the president sticks to the script.

Washington is suffering whiplash — or enjoying it, depending on whom you ask — as President Biden takes over from former President Trump, one of the starkest contrasts in U.S. political transition­s.

After four years of chaos and controvers­y stoked by a media-obsessed president, the country is experienci­ng the jarring normality — and relative quiet — of a successor who watches far less television, empowers staff, does most of his work in private, and keeps more of his thoughts there, too.

Before the election, Trump mocked his opponent as “Sleepy Joe.” Yet many voters turned out to be desperate for someone less angry and relentless­ly divisive in the Oval Office. So far Biden has been happy to give them what they want, as he promised during the campaign.

On Friday, his second full day in office, he appeared in public just once, and talked about providing economic relief during the pandemic, a crisis that Trump all but ignored for months.

“We’re in a national emergency. We need to act like we’re in a national emergency,” Biden said. “So we’ve got to move with everything we’ve got, and we’ve got to do it together.”

Political veterans of both major parties said it was a

welcome change.

“There’s an argument that not having the president, the federal government and a hurricane of nonsense front and center in the American people’s minds, every day, will be a good thing,” said Michael Steel, a Republican strategist who was a top aide to former House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio).

But Steel said it’s too soon to say whether Biden’s style will produce legislativ­e breakthrou­ghs, by which he’ll ultimately be judged.

“Real, substantiv­e lasting change requires legislatio­n. And we have a closely divided House and a closely divided Senate, and an extremely polarized electorate,” he said. “It remains to be seen whether this backto-the-future style of policymaki­ng is going to be effective on Capitol Hill.”

Paul Begala, a longtime Democratic strategist and former Clinton White House advisor, described Biden’s approach as “just thrilling” in its ordinarine­ss. He too said the challenge would be turning style into substantiv­e success.

“If he fails on COVID,” Begala said, “no one will say, ‘Let’s reelect him because he never lied.’”

Two days after Biden took the oath of office, the White House campus remained a ghost town of unoccupied desks with new computer monitors. But already the administra­tion had begun rebuilding the federal infrastruc­ture for developing and analyzing policy, something abandoned by Trump in favor of governance by his daily whims.

Officials brief reporters on proposals laid out in lengthy, wonkish documents. Lawyers vet executive orders before they’re issued. The administra­tion announced Friday that Biden had asked intelligen­ce officials and the National Security Council to produce an assessment on the threat of domestic terrorism.

Questions about more trivial topics that Trump fixated on — like redesignin­g Air Force One — are shunted aside, sometimes with thinly veiled sarcasm.

“I can confirm for you here, the president has not spent a moment thinking

about the color scheme of Air Force One,” White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said Friday. Trump liked to show off a model of the jet with a revised red, white and blue paint job, including a darker blue underbelly rather than the light blues used since the Kennedy era.

The White House’s new tone is most evident in the briefing room, where Psaki replaces Kayleigh McEnany as top spokeswoma­n.

McEnany worked for Trump’s campaign before moving to the White House, and she turned briefings into airings of grievances — his and hers — against the media. Most ended with micdrop moments as she denounced Trump’s enemies then practicall­y fled as reporters shouted more questions.

Psaki, who served as State Department spokeswoma­n and White House communicat­ions director during the Obama administra­tion, has quickly reset the thermostat from overheated to room temperatur­e.

“There will be moments when we disagree, and there will certainly be days where we disagree for extensive parts of the briefing even, perhaps,” she said after the inaugurati­on Wednesday. “But we have a common goal, which is sharing accurate informatio­n with the American people.”

It’s an adjustment for the press corps, some of whose members have no experience with a president other than Trump.

“Everyone’s really excited for this briefing,” a photograph­er deadpanned to his colleagues Friday as they headed into the briefing room. “No one’s getting yelled at, belittled — it’s going to be really boring.”

Trump-era briefings were rare and, when they were held, featured a mix of misinforma­tion and propaganda. Now they’re a daily rundown on White House events, and they include the standard evasions as reporters try to pin Psaki down on issues that would drag her off message. For example, she has repeatedly declined to say whether Biden wants the Senate to convict Trump in his impeachmen­t trial, which is due to begin next month.

On Thursday, she gently shot down a question about Biden not wearing a mask in an inaugural TV special filmed at the Lincoln Memorial.

“He was surrounded by his family,” she said. “We take a number of precaution­s, but I think we have bigger issues to worry about at this moment in time.”

The question was put to Psaki because the oftmasked Biden, in one of his first acts, ordered that anyone on federal property wear a mask and follow other pandemic precaution­s. Under Trump, the White House became a coronaviru­s hot spot, and many senior officials became infected because masks and social distancing were stigmatize­d.

During Biden’s public events, all officials are masked and spaced several feet apart. Others appear on video screens rather than in person. Medical-grade masks like N95s are common.

The White House itself has been swiftly refashione­d. A portrait in the Oval Office of Andrew Jackson, idolized by Trump as a fellow populist outsider, was replaced by one of Benjamin Franklin. Two civil rights icons — California labor leader Cesar Chavez and Rosa Parks — are honored with busts. Near the press office, photos of Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris immediatel­y replaced pictures of Trump.

Aides are getting settled in their new workspaces. One new staffer who came to work in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building, next door to the White House, said the offices had largely been cleared out when they arrived. But many desks and computers were left covered in dust, and at least one desk had an open box of souvenir Air Force One M&Ms signed by Trump. She dropped it in the nearest garbage can.

Like many new employees in the maze-like building, the aide had trouble finding the bathroom.

“It’s almost like first day of school,” she said. “You just don’t know where anything is, and you don’t know what teachers are good, bad or anything else.”

 ?? Evan Vucci Associated Press ?? “WE’RE IN a national emergency . ... We’ve got to move with everything we’ve got,” President Biden said Friday of the pandemic his predecesso­r often ignored.
Evan Vucci Associated Press “WE’RE IN a national emergency . ... We’ve got to move with everything we’ve got,” President Biden said Friday of the pandemic his predecesso­r often ignored.

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