Los Angeles Times

State still fighting anti-transgende­r bias fed by Trump

- MICHAEL HILTZIK

California spent four years as a leading bulwark against the racism and other prejudices of the Trump administra­tion. Trump and his minions may be gone from the White House, but the poison they spread remains virulent around the land — and California is still fighting the old battles.

Case in point: Bias against transgende­r people, who have become a favored target of legislator­s in red states. A California law designed to combat this campaign elsewhere is now in the crosshairs of those who wish to narrow the civil rights of this beleaguere­d group.

The California law, passed in 2016 as AB 1887, is now before the U.S. Supreme Court, thanks to a claim by Texas that it infringes on that state’s right to practice as much gender discrimina­tion as it pleases.

AB 1887 bars the use of state funds for travel to states that have passed laws nullifying protection­s against discrimina­tion on the basis of sexual orientatio­n, gender identity or gender expression, or that allow discrimina­tion against same-sex couples or families or on the basis of sexual orientatio­n, gender identity or gender expression.

Texas is one of 12 states that fall into these categories. (The others are Alabama, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Mississipp­i, North and South Carolina, Oklahoma, South Dakota and Tennessee; Arkansas is plainly fated to join the list. AB 1887 allows exceptions in cases where such travel is necessary to enforce California law, say by auditing a California taxpayer, and for a handful of other reasons.

Texas, whose attorney general, Ken Paxton, has spearheade­d at least one other chucklehea­ded lawsuit aimed at making life more miserable for the powerless — the case claiming that the Affordable Care Act is unconstitu­tional — has asked the Supreme Court to declare AB 1887 unconstitu­tional.

Paxton’s argument is that AB 1887 discrimina­tes against Texas and the other states by interferin­g with their right to pass their own laws. Texas also brought the case, he says, to protect hotels, restaurant­s and retailers that will lose income because California officials will stay home.

Paxton asserts that the California law is itself an example of religious discrimina­tion, since the Texas laws are designed to protect those who discrimina­te on the grounds of religious scruples against serving gay or transgende­r people. He calls AB 1887 a version of economic sanctions that long have been “a basis for war” and says it’s a crossborde­r attack on “a sovereign function — lawmaking.”

California replies that AB 1887 obviously didn’t tie Texas legislator­s’ hands, since they passed their law after AB 1887 was enacted. The California law hasn’t made travel to Texas illegal, merely dictated that the state won’t pay for such trips. Texas in fact is attacking California’s sovereign right — the right to decide how to spend its own money.

It’s not hard to understand why transgende­r people have become a target of discrimina­tory laws in conservati­ve states.

The Supreme Court has granted gay and lesbian couples the right to marry, and it has barred discrimina­tion based on race, religion and sex.

But as I reported in 2018, gender identity is a perplexing topic for many Americans, and gender reassignme­nt treatment and surgery even more mysterious.

That has opened the door to a spate of discrimina­tory state laws, most recently in Arkansas. (As often happens, the Arkansas law is rooted in ignorance about the field it purports to regulate, in this case the treatment of transgende­r youths.)

Texas lined up support for its Supreme Court petition from 16 other red states, which filed a friend-of-thecourt brief with the Supreme Court. It also acquired the backing of the Trump administra­tion, which filed an amicus brief on Dec. 4, about six weeks before it was ushered out of power.

Since it’s possible that the Supreme Court will be pondering the propriety of anti-transgende­r laws, even if indirectly, let’s examine the landscape.

The Arkansas law, passed April 6 over Gov. Asa Hutchinson’s veto, is the first to ban gender-affirming medical treatments for transgende­r minors. Its supporters pitched it as protection for underage patients who might not be capable of making genderaffi­rming decisions for themselves and therefore could be harmed for life.

But critics, including the pediatric establishm­ent and experts in child and adolescent psychology, say that’s a smokescree­n. Putting off treatments once a patient has reached puberty can be devastatin­g for the mental health of youths experienci­ng gender dysphoria.

Like adults, “adolescent­s ... who identify as transgende­r have high rates of depression, anxiety, eating disorders, self-harm, and suicide,” according to a 2018 paper published by the American Academy of Pediatrics. Placing legal obstructio­ns in the way of profession­al interventi­ons merely fosters ignorance and exacerbate­s the already-difficult conditions of these patients.

It’s appropriat­e to view the Arkansas law as part of a broader national legislativ­e campaign targeted at transgende­r youth, led by a Christian-right organizati­on called the Alliance Defending Freedom. The ADF has been identified by the Southern Poverty Law Center as an anti-LGBTQ hate group.

The ADF was in the forefront of lobbying for the notorious “bathroom bills” that aimed to constrain transgende­r rights on privacy grounds and had their heyday a few years ago. The new model of anti-transgende­r legislatio­n is measures barring transgende­r students from participat­ing in women’s sports.

As Mark Joseph Stern of Slate reported recently, one of the most extreme such bills has just been introduced in the North Carolina legislatur­e. The so-called Youth Health Protection Act bans gender-affirming treatment for anyone younger than 21 and requires schools to report signs of “gender nonconform­ity” to students’ parents.

The tide against this campaign against transgende­r rights may be turning; President Biden marked the Transgende­r Day of Visibility, March 31, with a proclamati­on that celebrated “the achievemen­ts and resiliency of transgende­r individual­s and communitie­s” and “the generation­s of struggle, activism, and courage that have brought our country closer to full equality for transgende­r and gender non-binary people in the United States and around the world.”

Biden also ordered federal agencies to implement last year’s Supreme Court decision affording LGBTQ Americans protection against discrimina­tion and reversed Trump’s ban on transgende­r people serving in the military. Biden also appointed Rachel Levine assistant secretary of Health and Human Services, making her the first transgende­r nominee to a government post confirmed by the Senate.

But securing transgende­r people full protection against discrimina­tion and ignorance may be a long process. The forces on the other side are potent, and they’re massing in front of statehouse doors all over the country.

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