Los Angeles Times

A right-wing mob gets its pound of Mouse flesh from Disney

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ retaliatio­n against wokeness isn’t built on principle, just pretext.

- JONAH GOLDBERG

“Freedom is awaking from its coma today because of a huge, huge, huge Supreme Court decision — huge,” Rush Limbaugh declared in 2010. “I cannot tell you how big this is.”

What, pray tell, had roused freedom from its slumber? The Supreme Court’s Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission decision, which ruled that corporatio­ns have 1st Amendment rights.

I thought then, like most conservati­ves, that the court was correct. Unlike many these days, I still do. The New York Times Inc. has every right to argue for its preferred policies, and so does Koch Inc.

It’s difficult to exaggerate how committed the right once was to this principle and how much it appalled the left. Masterpiec­e Cakeshop, we conservati­ves contended, had every right not to be compelled to make “gay wedding cakes” because of the owner’s religious beliefs. Hobby Lobby had a 1st Amendment right to defy provisions of the Affordable Care Act that violated its religious freedom. We won both arguments at the Supreme Court. That era is now officially over. Florida recently passed the Parental Rights in Education bill (tendentiou­sly called the “Don’t Say Gay” law by detractors). The Disney Co., under Chief Executive Bob Chapek, tried to stay out of the controvers­y. But a pincer movement of internal and external pressure forced the company to publicly oppose the bill.

Worse, a video of a Disney meeting at which executives boasted of their “not at all secret” agenda to incorporat­e gay and transgende­r themes into Disney content was leaked at the worst possible moment. The very online right was already in a fullblown moral panic about pedophilia, basically holding that anyone who opposed the bill was either a “groomer” or “groomer friendly.” (Once a term for adults who manipulate underage children for sexual abuse, “groomer” suddenly meant dissenters from a moral crusade.)

Against the broader backdrop of the populist fatalism of the Trump era, which holds that conservati­ves “never win” when they play by the rules, it was something of a perfect storm.

Florida Republican­s, led by Gov. Ron DeSantis, voted to strip Disney World of its special status under something called the Reedy Creek Improvemen­t District.

Crafted by Republican­s in 1968, the improvemen­t district deal exempted Disney World from zoning and tax laws in exchange for Disney transformi­ng a massive amount of swampy land into the Magic Kingdom and running it without taxpayer money. Economical­ly and politicall­y, it was win-win for both Disney and Florida — until last week, when a remarkable number of politician­s suddenly embraced a purist libertaria­n opposition to such public-private partnershi­ps, of which there are over a thousand in Florida.

Of course, Orlando Internatio­nal Airport and Daytona Internatio­nal Speedway, with similar exemptions, will be fine, because the libertaria­n arguments are entirely pretextual. This was about punishing Disney. Florida’s lieutenant governor even admits that if Disney simply changed its politics, everything could go back to normal. Oh, is that all?

The view on the right is that DeSantis is a courageous brawler, beating back a behemoth of “woke capitalism.” It’s certainly true that DeSantis comes out a winner on the national stage as he contemplat­es a presidenti­al run in 2024.

I will also concede that DeSantis’ supporters have a point. If corporatio­ns will let themselves be bullied out of their lanes by the left, they shouldn’t be surprised if they invite retaliatio­n from the right. As problemati­c as I find this whole spectacle, it would be a good thing if corporatio­ns thought twice about picking sides in the culture war. As Michael Jordan once said, “Republican­s buy sneakers too.”

But whether the costs outweigh the benefits is unknowable, particular­ly in a climate in which what constitute­s winning is redefined on the fly by Twitter mobs. After all, as National Review’s Charlie Cooke notes, DeSantis had “already won”: Disney took its shot at the Florida parental rights bill, and even though all of its sponsors were recipients of Disney’s political contributi­ons, Disney lost. But the right’s equivalent of Twitter-addicted woke activists wanted a pound of Mouse flesh.

Privately, some defenders say the Reedy Creek Improvemen­t District rescission, which doesn’t go into effect until next year, will never happen. Saner heads will prevail, opting not to shift massive burdens onto county government­s and taxpayers (this would explain why Disney has largely stayed mum). But that theory assumes DeSantis is the mob’s master, not its servant.

And even if — a big if — corporate America takes the right lessons here, there’s no chance activists on the left or right will, at least for the foreseeabl­e future. When you reward mobs, you get more mobs.

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