Los Angeles Times

If wildfire is a partisan issue, no neutral ground is left

- NICHOLAS GOLDBERG @ Nick_ Goldberg

It’s gotten to the point where even the most obviously nonpartisa­n issues that Americans ought to be able to address cooperativ­ely and rationally have fallen victim to the country’s culture of extreme political polarizati­on.

Hostility has grown so intense, especially on the Republican side, that subjects that should be entirely nonpolitic­al are now cause for bitter disagreeme­nt.

This past week, for instance, an article in The Times explained that the McKinney fire in Northern California — an equal opportunit­y catastroph­e, for goodness’ sake, that burned tens of thousands of acres and killed four people — was being blamed by residents on liberals.

According to the story, residents attributed the fire less to the climate crisis than to bureaucrat­ic red tape and a failure by Sacramento and Washington liberals to keep the interests of rural conservati­ve Northern California­ns in mind.

Another piece of disturbing

( yet hardly surprising) news last week was that the Inflation Reduction Act was approved by both houses of Congress without the backing of a single Republican senator or representa­tive. According to my colleague Jackie Calmes, the bill was full of provisions that would benefit the party’s constituen­ts and which they support. But Republican­s in Washington, she said, have reached a point where they will vote down good, popular legislatio­n simply to deny a victory to Democrats.

That’s a disservice to the country.

Then, because bad news comes in threes, there was a story in the New York Times that described how nearly two dozen state treasurers around the country — traditiona­lly a sober and apolitical bunch whose job is to responsibl­y manage their state’s finances — have banded together and are coordinati­ng their tactics to fight climate change programs and protect fossil fuel companies.

Yes, the two dozen are Republican­s.

“There used to be a strong nonpartisa­n and bipartisan ethic among treasurers,” Robert Butkin, a former Oklahoma treasurer, told the New York Times. “But you’ve seen a lot of that erode over the past several years.”

Partisansh­ip and polarizati­on in American politics are nothing new, to put it mildly. And they have been growing for decades, going back well before the Trump era to the bruising battles over Robert Bork’s Supreme Court nomination and Newt Gingrich’s Contract With America. They have been exacerbate­d by social media, by partisan news networks, by the country’s regional divides and historical antipathie­s.

But the refusal to seek common ground on even the easiest, least political of issues is a particular­ly dangerous and depressing developmen­t.

While there’s certainly gamesmansh­ip and obstructio­nism on both sides, the GOP is the greater offender.

A perfect example of this has been the COVID- 19 pandemic — in which a virus that doesn’t distinguis­h between Democrats and Republican­s and has killed 6.4 million people around the world neverthele­ss became a political vehicle for simplistic GOP talking points.

Another example is climate change, which has been turned by Republican­s ( and the fossil fuel companies that love them) into a he said/ she said in which scientific facts compete with misinforma­tion for attention and solutions are stymied.

Even rally- round- the- f lag events like last month’s assassinat­ion of Al Qaeda leader Ayman Zawahiri — the sort of thing that in the past would have brought liberals and conservati­ves together against a common enemy — became an opportunit­y for House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy ( R- Bakersfiel­d) and his minions to bash Joe Biden’s “disastrous withdrawal” from Afghanista­n last year.

“After September 11, 2001, all 535 members of Congress gathered on the steps of the Capitol the next day and sang ‘ God Bless America,’ ” says Norman Ornstein, an emeritus scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. “If we had another 9/ 11 tomorrow, the Republican­s would be in their offices writing impeachmen­t memos or going on Fox News to say it was the president’s fault.”

At the root of the new tribalism, as Ornstein calls it, is the extraordin­ary ( and growing) level of ill will between the two parties. The Pew Research Center says Democrats and Republican­s today are farther apart ideologica­lly than they’ve been in 50 years.

And it’s not just about issues; it’s personal. Democrats and Republican­s increasing­ly see each other as more closed- minded, dishonest, immoral and unintellig­ent than other Americans, according to a Pew report released last week.

Perhaps most dramatical­ly, 72% of Republican­s now see Democrats as “a lot or somewhat more immoral” than other Americans, compared with 47% in 2016. Meanwhile, 63% of Democrats say Republican­s are more immoral, up from 35% in 2016.

With such sky- high levels of rancor and disrespect, it’s hardly surprising that there’s a lack of cooperatio­n. It’s no wonder we believe that if our political enemies support something, it must be bad, and that any victory for our adversarie­s is a defeat for us.

Americans have always had disagreeme­nts. We’ve fought over how to address poverty and racism and about the meanings of equality, justice and fairness in modern America. Touchy culture war questions have often divided us. It’s a shame, but perhaps unavoidabl­e in a democracy.

But we’ve also seen real efforts over the years to find meaningful legislativ­e policy solutions in Congress between partisans such as Sens. Edward M. Kennedy

( D- Mass.) and Orrin G. Hatch

( R- Utah), Sen. Alan K. Simpson ( R- Wyo.) and Rep. Romano L. Mazzoli ( R- Ky.), and Sens. John McCain ( R- Ariz.) and Russ Feingold ( D- Wis.), to name just a few.

Today it’s a different world, as elected officials fight about things there should be no disagreeme­nt over, such as defending against wildfires and viruses, building roads and bridges, and transferri­ng power peacefully after elections.

How much worse can it get? Might Republican­s suddenly decide they’re tired of being forced by liberal Democrats to stop for red lights and decree that in the future they will stop only on green, while speeding forward on red?

That may sound like a joke, but I think it’s a not too crazy metaphor for a dysfunctio­nal government.

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