Los Angeles Times

Ban on forced prison labor sought

California lawmakers revive effort to ask voters to ‘prohibit slavery in any form.’

- By Hannah Wiley

Last year, voters in Vermont, Oregon, Tennessee and Alabama approved historic ballot measures that removed slavery and involuntar­y servitude as punishment for crime from their state constituti­ons, which could lead to limitation­s on forced prison labor. They joined a growing list of states that passed similar initiative­s in recent years, including Nebraska, Utah and Colorado.

But in California, voters never got the chance.

Several months before the Nov. 8 election, lawmakers killed a proposal that would have asked voters to eliminate an exception in the state Constituti­on that allows for involuntar­y servitude for criminal punishment.

The emotional debate pitted arguments that compared prison labor to slavery against concerns that eliminatin­g work requiremen­ts would undermine rehabilita­tion and jeopardize restitutio­n payments to crime victims. Division between moderate Democrats and progressiv­es, along with the price tag associated with the plan, eventually tanked the legislatio­n.

But now Democrats are trying again, hoping that passage last year in other states could help sway more support in California. Assembly Constituti­onal Amendment 8 — known as the End Slavery in California Act — would “prohibit slavery in any form,” which includes “forced labor compelled by the use or threat of physical or legal coercion.”

California’s Constituti­on mirrors the 13th Amendment of the U.S. Constituti­on, which prohibits slavery, but allows for involuntar­y servitude as punishment for crime. Advocates pushing for the change, though, argue that involuntar­y servitude is just another word for slavery.

If passed by two-thirds of both houses of the Legislatur­e, the proposed constituti­onal amendment would be placed on the November 2024 ballot for voters to decide. At this point, it’s un

clear if the proposal would be more of a symbolic change than meaningful reform to California’s prisons.

Assemblyme­mber Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun), who wrote the measure and leads the Legislatur­e’s Black Caucus, said it’s important to first start with amending the state Constituti­on.

“There is no room for slavery in our Constituti­on,” Wilson said. “It is not consistent with our values, nor our humanity.”

The California Department of Correction­s and Rehabilita­tion requires most incarcerat­ed people to work while in prison, where their assigned jobs include constructi­on work, dog training, computer coding and hospice care.

Around 7,000 people have work assignment­s through the California Prison Industry, a state business enterprise that employs incarcerat­ed people and sells its goods — including office furniture, clothing and food products, license plates, cell equipment and print services — primarily to state agencies and department­s.

Prison officials say jobs help reduce recidivism and allow incarcerat­ed people to pay their restitutio­n and other court-ordered fees. Participan­ts returned to prison 26% to 38% less often, according to the California Prison Industry, and their work “provides significan­t economic benefits to the state.”

But advocates say the exception clause for prison labor has allowed states to exploit incarcerat­ed people and continue slavery under a different name at the disproport­ionate expense of Black, Latino and Indigenous communitie­s. A task force California set up to recommend reparation­s for the harm caused by slavery and racism has endorsed removing the exception clause and repealing the work requiremen­t for incarcerat­ed people.

Formerly incarcerat­ed individual­s said they faced serious disciplina­ry action if they refused work obligation­s, including solitary confinemen­t or the removal of visitation and other privileges. Meanwhile, their wages rarely reach $1 an hour.

“This system of unfree labor — slave labor — by constituti­onal law is something that I think anybody with a conscience would find reprehensi­ble,” said Dennis Childs, an associate professor of African American literature at UC San Diego and author of the book “Slaves of the State: Black Incarcerat­ion from the Chain Gang to the Penitentia­ry.”

The proposed amendment doesn’t mandate wages or dictate working conditions. Instead, proponents of ACA 8 said it could eventually pave the way for incarcerat­ed people to have more freedom over the work they’re required to do.

Heile Gantan, a policy advocacy fellow at Anti-Recidivism Coalition, was sentenced to five years in prison and chose to join the fire camp program, which gives incarcerat­ed people the chance to train and work as wilderness firefighte­rs.

“That decision was voluntary,” Gantan said. “However, everything that happened after that decision was not.”

Physical training was grueling, Gantan said, and her crew had no days off during fires. Gantan watched as women endured mental and physical injuries, yet continued to work to avoid repercussi­on. The most she earned was $300 one fire season.

“The experience can be very traumatic for people,” she said. “Where the forced prison labor, slavery essentiall­y, doesn’t help with mental health and rehabilita­tion.”

Correction­s department spokespers­on Vicky Waters said it’s a legal requiremen­t that individual­s “participat­e in something meaningful while incarcerat­ed.”

Waters said that workers are assigned jobs only after a thorough evaluation, and that the department considers medical and health concerns during the placement process. Individual­s can also join education, substance use and other career programs, depending on their needs.

“They can have several assignment­s, including education, vocational training, jobs or other programs, but we do prioritize their needs. Their safety is our top priority, of course, without question, and I also know that if anyone suffers an injury while on a job assignment, they are eligible for workers’ comp like any other worker,” Waters said.

Dorsey Nunn, executive director of Legal Services for Prisoners with Children, an organizati­on supporting ACA 8, said the issue raised “a moral question.”

Nunn served more than a decade in prison, and while incarcerat­ed at San Quentin State Prison, his job was to make detergent for California’s tunnels and highways. The work required him to handle chemicals and paid him little more than $30 a month, he said.

“Does slavery prepare me for the best opportunit­y to become an asset to the community as opposed to a liability?” he said. “What they’re doing is not necessaril­y leading to public safety at all.”

The proposal that failed last year initially passed the Assembly with bipartisan support before moderate Democrats joined Republican­s in the Senate to block it.

Some senators argued that incarcerat­ed people owe their victims restitutio­n, and that the amendment would affect rehabilita­tive efforts. Others worried about the increased cost of paying higher wages, concerns also raised by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administra­tion. The state Department of Finance estimated that a minimum wage requiremen­t could cost $1.5 billion annually.

The amendment failed to win the two-thirds majority vote needed in both houses of the Legislatur­e to be placed on the ballot.

“We are talking about the justice system, and justice for victims,” said former state Sen. Jim Nielsen (RRed Bluff) during the debate. “This is about individual­s who have harmed their fellow citizens. They are paying the price, which is justice, for the citizens of California and for particular­ly their victims.”

Also siding with victims was Patricia Wenskunas, founder of Crime Survivors Inc.: “We should be writing legislatio­n that supports victims of crime and providing them equally to what the offenders and criminals are receiving. The innocent victims, survivors and family members deserve better.”

State Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) also questioned how the change would affect restitutio­n payments and “undermine our rehabilita­tion programs,” while making prisons less safe. He said work requiremen­ts and how much incarcerat­ed people make on the job was “worthy of debate,” but not in a way that would “tie the Legislatur­e’s hand forevermor­e” and invite lawsuits.

Proponents backing ACA 8 reject those arguments and say that incarcerat­ed people want to work and that fears of a labor force collapsing are unfounded.

Aaron Littman, assistant professor of law at UCLA School of Law, said work can be rehabilita­tive for incarcerat­ed people, but that it could be used much more effectivel­y, and mostly in a way that provides better wages and skills training that prepares individual­s for release.

Littman said how the amendment is written also matters. To change forced labor conditions, additional legislatio­n is needed to address workers rights, wages and other employment concerns.

While some states explicitly banned slavery and involuntar­y servitude, others included language that still allows for prison work and makes it harder for incarcerat­ed people to sue for labor violations.

Incarcerat­ed people in Colorado, for example, sued the state’s prison system last year, alleging that their working conditions violated the amended state constituti­on. In Nebraska, some people incarcerat­ed in a county jail are now getting paid for their work.

But in Tennessee, the amendment was written to say that “slavery and involuntar­y servitude are forever prohibited,” with the exception that “nothing in this section shall prohibit an inmate from working when the inmate has been duly convicted of a crime.”

Tennessee Rep. Bob Freeman, a Nashville Democrat and proponent of the amendment, said it’s had no effect on prison labor.

“The intent is that words matter, and having slavery allowable in any way, shape or form in the constituti­on in the state of Tennessee is not OK. And it was time to have it removed,” Freeman said.

Jamilia Land, co-founder of the Anti-Violence, Safety and Accountabi­lity Project, said that it will take time to dismantle “hundreds of years of systemic oppression” and that changes to California’s prison labor standards might not be immediate.

“We can’t forecast or foretell what it may look like,” Land said, “but it would be nice to finally live in a state and country that recognizes the basic humanity of certain groups of people.”

 ?? HAYNE PALMOUR IV San Diego Union-Tribune ?? AN INMATE from a conservati­on camp puts out burning downed trees as she, other inmates and firefighte­rs battle a blaze in San Diego County in 2013.
HAYNE PALMOUR IV San Diego Union-Tribune AN INMATE from a conservati­on camp puts out burning downed trees as she, other inmates and firefighte­rs battle a blaze in San Diego County in 2013.

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