Los Angeles Times

Donations to wartime Ukraine raise moral issues

- By Thalia Beaty Beaty writes for the Associated Press.

NEW YORK — Bulletproo­f vests and drones. Pickup trucks, walkie-talkies and tourniquet­s. These are just some of the items that individual­s and nonprofits have donated to buy and ship to Ukraine, where sometimes they are then used by those fighting Russia’s invasion.

“We’ve had these discussion­s countless times,” said Igor Markov, a director of the nonprofit Nova Ukraine, about where to draw the line between what aid is humanitari­an versus that which supports the active defense — the fighting — in his home country.

His Stanford, Calif., organizati­on, which has delivered some $59 million in aid to Ukraine since Russia invaded a year ago, decided ultimately not to support volunteer fighters.

“We realized there’s a significan­t amount of money that would be ruled out,” he said, pointing to platforms that facilitate matching employee donations, like Benevity, and some companies, like Google, that require nonprofits to promise their aid does not support active fighting as a condition of receiving contributi­ons.

Throughout the last year, U.S. and European companies, individual­s and organizati­ons have navigated local and internatio­nal regulation­s to provide aid and have grappled with similar moral questions about whether to donate to an allied nation’s defense.

Markov said he contribute­d to buying equipment for Ukraine’s front-line defenders as an individual. And he points out that items such as drones and pickup trucks may not usually be considered military equipment before asking, “Guess how they’re used?”

“It could be used to just carry food. It could be used to carry munitions,” he said of the vehicles, adding that Ukrainian fighters have been creative in using whatever equipment they have. Drones, meanwhile, have become an essential tool in the fighting.

Under U.S. laws, nonprofits are not allowed to donate to people in combat, said New York attorney Daniel Kurtz, a partner at Pryor Cashman.

“You can’t support war fighting, can’t support killing people, even if it’s killing the bad guys,” he said. “It’s not consistent with the law of charity.”

But Kurtz doubts the Internal Revenue Service will examine donations to Ukraine — in part for reasons of capacity, but also because of the political support for Ukraine’s government.

“While I’m sure some of them are carefully lawyered, there’s enormous pressure to provide this support,” he said of nonprofits. “So my guess is probably a lot of people are just going ahead and doing it.”

The reality, as described by some nonprofit leaders, is that everyone in Ukraine is fighting to defend the country, from children to an 80year-old Holocaust survivor.

“We’re open,” said Dora Chomiak, president of Razom for Ukraine, a New York nonprofit that has seen the contributi­ons it receives jump from around $200,000 a year to at least $75 million in 2022. “Our aid and our medical equipment and our communicat­ions equipment are going to people who are defending the country.”

Though it has delivered more than 1,000 drones, her organizati­on ruled out fundraisin­g for military equipment because it did not fit into the organizati­on’s charitable mission, Chomiak said. Getting the necessary licenses would also have delayed immediatel­y significan­t actions, such as delivering tens of thousands of specialize­d first-aid kits to the front lines.

Companies, which have given some of the largest publicly known donations to Ukraine, must also consider to what extent their donations are directly supporting Ukraine’s war effort. Microsoft Corp. has donated at least $430 million in services and cash in 2022, not including cybersecur­ity services.

Tom Burt, a Microsoft vice president, said he set up direct, encrypted communicat­ion channels with senior cybersecur­ity officials in Ukraine before the war began and continues to communicat­e with them regularly. At the start of the war, Microsoft helped move the Ukrainian government’s digital infrastruc­ture from physical servers in the country into the cloud. The company also helps protect Ukrainian devices and software from Russian cyber intrusions and attacks that are often coordinate­d with physical military campaigns.

“It’s possible, of course, that some of those devices are being used by the military or by logistics organizati­ons, both government and private sector, to provide both humanitari­an aid and military supplies and equipment,” Burt told the Associated Press. “That’s not really our role to get engaged in that.”

While supporting the Ukrainian government, Microsoft has learned a great deal about malware used by Russian-aligned groups.

“That’s helping us build even more secure products and services,” Burt said. “But the fundamenta­l reason that we’re doing this is because we think it’s the right thing to do.”

Microsoft has agreed to provide its services at no cost to Ukraine through 2023. But it’s possible Ukraine will turn into a paying customer when the war ends.

Americans have previously raised funds for or even fought in conflicts in which the U.S. government was not a party, said Andrew Morris, who teaches history at Union College. Before the U.S. entered World War II, Japanese Americans were among several immigrant groups that sent aid to their countries of origin, including packages directly to Japanese soldiers.

The U.S. government eventually saw such relief efforts as evidence of Japanese disloyalty when it incarcerat­ed whole communitie­s after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. But, it tolerated the work of another group that shipped weapons to Britain’s Home Guard, which was ill-equipped, despite the U.S. being formally neutral at the time, Morris said.

“I think that makes it a lot easier for this private sector, voluntary donations to flow in the direction that U.S. foreign policy is,” he said, though generally, the government discourage­s individual­s from pursuing their own foreign policy objectives.

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