Los Angeles Times

We defend 1st Amendment rights, but this time Trump’s just wrong

His actions, not his words, are the issue when he is accused of trying to overturn the election. Free speech is no defense.

- By David Cole and Ben Wizner David Cole is national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union. Ben Wizner is director of the ACLU’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project.

Does the 1st Amendment shield Donald Trump from prosecutio­n for conspiracy to obstruct the 2020 election results?

Trump’s lawyer has proclaimed the indictment “an attack on free speech and political advocacy.” He says Trump thought there was voter fraud, and “as a president, he’s entitled to speak on those issues.” And the indictment by special counsel Jack Smith does repeatedly cite Trump’s false public statements about voter fraud. Is Trump right to claim free speech as a defense?

As American Civil Liberties Union lawyers, we take this question seriously. No organizati­on has done more to defend speech rights than the ACLU — sometimes to the dismay of our allies. We’ve defended Trump’s speech rights when he was sued for allegedly prompting a mob to beat up a protester. We criticized Twitter’s and Facebook’s decisions to de-platform Trump and applauded when Trump was allowed back. We defended white supremacis­t Jason Kessler’s right to protest the removal of a Confederat­e memorial in Charlottes­ville, Va., supported the National Rifle Assn. in its 1st Amendment challenge to former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s urging financial institutio­ns to cut ties with the organizati­on because of its “pro-gun” speech. And in the 1970s, the ACLU defended the right of a neo-Nazi group to march in Skokie, Ill., home to many Holocaust survivors at the time.

When it comes to free speech claims, we call them as we see them. But here, we don’t think the 1st Amendment bars Trump’s indictment. We pass no judgment on Trump’s ultimate guilt or innocence. He is entitled to the presumptio­n of innocence, even as we believe that no person is above the law. But Trump’s 1st Amendment defense doesn’t cut it here.

Trump has been charged with conspiring to overturn the election results and obstruct the peaceful transfer of power. At times, he used words, including lies, to accomplish this. But that doesn’t mean he’s being prosecuted for constituti­onally protected speech, any more than a bank robber who says, “Hand over the money,” to a teller.

If Trump had spread lies — on Twitter, in public speeches or anywhere else — but otherwise took no action to obstruct the election results, could he have been charged for merely claiming that he won when he knew he lost?

Obviously not. The 1st Amendment protects even false speech in many circumstan­ces. The indictment itself concedes that Trump “had a right, like every American, to speak publicly about the election and even to claim, falsely, that there had been outcome-determinat­ive fraud during the election and that he had won.”

The problem was not Trump’s speech, but his alleged actions: his attempts to get state election officials to invalidate valid results and declare him the winner; to compel the Justice Department to claim that it had uncovered substantia­l evidence of fraud when it hadn’t; to support efforts to create fake sets of electors to vote him into office in states that he lost; and to urge Vice President Mike Pence to refuse to certify the lawful election results.

Of course, many of these actions involved communicat­ion. But the fact that a crime includes speech does not turn the 1st Amendment into a defense. A conspiracy is an agreement to commit a crime, and almost always takes the form of words. Teaching a would-be suicide bomber how to make a bomb with the intent that he detonate it also involves communicat­ion, but that kind of communicat­ion can be prosecuted.

We do, however, have concerns about one aspect of the indictment. At several points, it charges that Trump repeated his lies in his speech on Jan. 6, 2021, to a crowd gathered at the White House. To the extent the Justice Department is seeking to hold Trump criminally responsibl­e for the subsequent actions of the crowd that day, the prosecutio­n would have to satisfy the legal standard that the ACLU helped establishe­d in Brandenbur­g vs. Ohio, which says that speech advocating criminal conduct can be punished only if it is intended and likely to produce imminent lawless action.

Reasonable minds can differ on whether Trump’s remarks that day crossed that line. If the prosecutor­s seek to hold him accountabl­e for the mob’s actions, they would have to satisfy that demanding standard. In the context of political speech, courts should be very hesitant to hold speakers liable for the actions of others.

But these concerns don’t bear on the great majority of the actions for which Trump faces trial. As Justice Hugo Black, a 1st Amendment absolutist, wrote more than 70 years ago: “It has never been deemed an abridgment of freedom of speech or press to make a course of conduct illegal merely because the conduct was in part initiated, evidenced, or carried out by means of language.” The 1st Amendment provides no license to conspire to overturn an election.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States