Los Angeles Times

A possible solution to homelessne­ss: Reparation­s

A study traces Black poverty to slavery, even in this ‘free’ state

- ERIKA D. SMITH and ANITA CHABRIA

It’s hard for some California­ns — maybe many — to wrap their heads around the idea that the homelessne­ss we see on our streets has any connection to slavery.

We are California, after all, supposedly a “free” state. We like to think of ourselves as far away both in ideology and from the brutality that built the South — although slavery was common during our Gold Rush era, ensnaring not only Black people but also Latinos and members of Indigenous communitie­s.

But researcher­s at the UC San Francisco Benioff Homelessne­ss and Housing Initiative have no doubts that the historical traffickin­g of 12 million Black people to American shores is directly tied to the Black poverty and pain on our West Coast streets today.

“The overrepres­entation of Black people in the homeless population arises from 400 years of anti-Black racism entrenched in the structures, institutio­ns, ideologies, and social norms of American life, starting with slavery,” the researcher­s said in a study released this month.

That’s a fierce bit of truth-telling that may shock those who haven’t been paying attention to discussion­s about reparation­s — the need to make right the wrongs of systemic racism and compensate Black people for the lasting harms of slavery. But for those who followed California’s reparation­s task force and for most Black Americans, the findings are hardly groundbrea­king.

Slavery turned into Jim Crow laws and lynchings in the South. To escape, Black people fled to the North and, yes, the West. Yet, upon their arrival, redlining and a refusal to invest in Black communitie­s led to generation­s

of state-enforced poverty and a lack of housing that builds wealth and stability.

Poverty became an excuse for surveillan­ce and criminaliz­ation — including violent overpolici­ng, child protective services breaking apart families and the mass incarcerat­ion of Black men. And here we are, with Black Americans in such an economical­ly and socially precarious situation that a single misfortune can end in homelessne­ss.

“This didn’t just happen by accident and it didn’t just happen because there were a few bad people. This was organized,” said Margot Kushel, head of the Benioff initiative and one of the authors of the study, which recommends that reparation­s in the form of cash payments are needed to combat homelessne­ss in the Black community.

“This is the strongest case for reparation­s, right?” she said. “That feels like a conversati­on that, if we are being honest, we need to have.”

It’s certainly the case being made by the California Legislativ­e Black Caucus. Last week, its members gathered in Sacramento for a news conference to formally announce 14 bills they plan to introduce and support this year in hopes of turning the recommenda­tions of the reparation­s task force into actionable laws and policies.

“This is a massive undertakin­g, so you can expect a package year after year until our work is done,” said Assemblyme­mber Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City), chair of the caucus. “Some will be systemic in nature. Some will require direct investment­s in people or communitie­s. All will require the support of the Legislatur­e and the governor.”

One of the initial bills calls for a formal apology from the state; another demands compensati­on for land seized in racist acts of eminent domain, such as Bruce’s Beach; and another would ban involuntar­y servitude — namely in prisons, where inmates are often forced to do work for pennies an hour.

All draw a direct line between the dire conditions currently faced by millions of Black California­ns — including homelessne­ss and housing insecurity — and the baggage of decades of discrimina­tion. The members of the Legislativ­e Black Caucus were clearly tired and unmoved by the many excuses that have been given for why reparation­s can’t become a reality.

“Our state needs to address those harms,” Wilson said matter-of-factly.

“This Legislatur­e allowed slave owners to bring their enslaved property so long as they arrived here before 1850,” said Assemblyme­mber Reggie JonesSawye­r (D-Los Angeles), scoffing at the frequent pushback that reparation­s aren’t owed because California wasn’t a slave state. “That’s not freedom.”

But it was perhaps Assemblyme­mber Corey Jackson (D-Perris) who best summed up the case for reparation­s — the same case made by Kushel and born out by her team’s research.

“We have to understand that the era of the colorblind society is a failure,” he said. “If you can’t see us, you can’t serve us.”

The fantasy that race doesn’t matter, embedded into law via Propositio­n 209, is one reason California has been spinning its wheels on homelessne­ss. It probably will continue to do so — spending billions of tax dollars — until lawmakers and the governor start addressing the causes and policy decisions affecting those most likely to end up on the street.

While Black people make up about 7% of California’s population, they represent 26% of those without permanent homes, according to data pulled from the California Statewide Study of People Experienci­ng Homelessne­ss.

Yes, we need more housing. And yes, we need more services.

But what of the roughly 75% of those Black unhoused California­ns who are men, many of whom came directly out of a long stay in county jail or a stint in prison? They were released with maybe a couple of hundred bucks from the state and few if any options other than a quick slide into homelessne­ss.

It’s a demographi­c Kushel points out should be easier to help because we know who they are and where they are before they become unhoused. We just choose not to do it.

What of the 80% of the Black people living on our streets who simply lost their housing? They were hit with an illness, for example, or a job loss, or discrimina­tion from landlords unwilling to rent to those with poor credit or complicate­d histories. Half are older than 50, facing their senior years without shelter.

And what of the fact that most of the Black people living without homes came from extreme poverty? Those who had a place of their own, their name on a lease before losing shelter, made about $1,200 a month. Those who were living off the grace of others were earning only about $960 a month.

Not all Black people are poor, of course. Far from it. But because of the lasting harms of slavery and discrimina­tory housing policies, poverty is still disproport­ionately predictabl­e among Black people — and not just in California.

While many elected officials have been wringing their hands about the nexus of addiction, poverty and homelessne­ss, it’s worth noting that Black people were statistica­lly less likely to report abusing hard drugs than other demographi­cs, despite the stereotype­s and the criminaliz­ation.

That so many Black people were forced into homelessne­ss without the extra push from substance abuse struck Kushel as another example of just how precarious Black existence can be. “It takes less to tip them into homelessne­ss,” she said.

To counter this, the UC San Francisco researcher­s are proposing cash payments as one possible solution.

Kara Young Ponder, the study’s lead author, said most homeless Black California­ns told the researcher­s that ongoing payments of less than $500 a month (similar to a guaranteed income) or a one-time, lump-sum payment of $5,000 or $10,000 could get them into housing. The latter is about what’s necessary for the deposit and first month’s rent on an apartment.

But beyond the simple need for money shared by all homeless people, Young Ponder said Black people also reported facing antiBlack bias within the system of homeless services — less help in every area from housing coordinato­rs to medical providers.

“They are still being treated differentl­y than people of other races,” Young Ponder said, making the cash payments a crucial way of “circumvent­ing” discrimina­tion.

In the context of reparation­s, the idea of cash payments has been controvers­ial — to put it mildly. A poll conducted by the UC Berkeley Institute of Government­al Studies and and cosponsore­d by The Times found that California voters oppose such payments by a 2-1 margin for Black people whose ancestors were enslaved.

With a state budget deficit that could soon hit $73 billion, there are financial constraint­s too.

Wilson acknowledg­ed that this is one reason she and other Black lawmakers decided to forgo asking for cash payments now. But the bigger reason, she said, was the lack of public knowledge about why reparation­s are even necessary and fears that a bill asking for the most unpopular form of it would fail, dealing a blow to what is fast becoming a national movement.

“There’s a lot of misinforma­tion out there,” Assemblyme­mber Akilah Weber (D-La Mesa) said. “I am a California­n born and raised. And I thought all these issues happened in the South, I had no idea of the things that California had done.”

But members of the Legislativ­e Black Caucus have not ruled out a bill asking for cash payments in the future. That California’s laws and policies have systemical­ly oppressed Black people economical­ly is undeniable, they say — and they are right.

Kushel, Young Ponder and their fellow researcher­s at the Benioff Homelessne­ss and Housing Initiative are only the latest to prove that Black people have been purposeful­ly excluded from wealth and stability, and that reparation­s may be needed to fix the hardship that has caused. The only question is when California­ns are going to start believing it.

“America’s original sin is the genocide and enslavemen­t of human beings,” Jones-Sawyer said. “America’s second-greatest sin is watching it happen and pretending that it never did.”

 ?? Sophie Austin Associated Press ?? ASSEMBLYME­MBER Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), center, and other lawmakers last week announced a legislativ­e package on reparation­s.
Sophie Austin Associated Press ASSEMBLYME­MBER Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), center, and other lawmakers last week announced a legislativ­e package on reparation­s.

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