Marin Independent Journal

Century after massacre, Black Tulsans struggle for a voice

- By Sean Murphy

TULSA, OKLA. » In the early days of Oklahoma’s statehood, an angry white mob fanned by rumors of a Black uprising burned a thriving African American community in the oil boomtown of Tulsa. Although the area was quietly rebuilt and enjoyed a renaissanc­e in the years after the 1921 Race Massacre, the struggle among Black people over their place in the city didn’t end.

This month, local and state leaders will formally recognize and atone for the massacre, which claimed up to several hundred lives, with a series of ceremonies that includes a keynote address by national voting rights advocate Stacey Abrams. President Joe Biden is also coming to the city, the White House announced. But Black Tulsans say that, amid the kind words, efforts both direct and subtle still aim to curb their influence and withhold their fair share of power. many from surroundin­g Confederat­e states, poured into the territory, bringing with them views of Black people as inferiors who had to be kept in check. After Oklahoma became a state, the first law approved was a Jim Crow statute requiring segregatio­n of rail cars and depots.

“Oklahoma, in many ways although arguably not a Southern state in terms of racial policy, began to mimic the Deep South,” Johnson said.

On May 31, 1921, carloads of Black residents, some of them armed, rushed to the sheriff’s office downtown to confront white men who were gathering apparently to abduct and lynch a Black prisoner in the jail. Gunfire broke out, and over the next 24 hours, a white mob inflamed by rumors of a Black insurrecti­on stormed the Greenwood district and burned it, destroying all 35 square blocks. Estimates of those killed ranged from 50 to 300. at-large voting for its city commission. A Black person wasn’t elected to the council until 1990, after a ward system was introduced.

Tulsa’s Black community is now more politicall­y engaged than it once was, according to community activists. In 2020, a 34-yearold Black man who came to Tulsa through the Teach for America program won the Democratic nomination in the race for Tulsa’s congressio­nal seat, and a 30-year-old Black community organizer finished second in the city’s mayoral race.

The killings of two unarmed Black men by white Tulsa law enforcemen­t officers in recent years energized some young Black voters, said Charles Wilkes, a 27-year-old community organizer.

In 2015, a white reserve sheriff’s deputy shot and killed Eric Harris, 44, during an arrest. A year later, police officer, Betty Shelby fatally shot Terence Crutcher, who had his hands raised. Shelby said she thought he was reaching for a weapon.

“We’ve seen shootings time and time and time again,” Wilkes said.

Tulsa’s Black community has seen an influx of foundation and nonprofit funding, much of it for improving public schools and fighting poverty. In 2018, the city was dubbed tops in the nation for philanthro­py by the readers of the Chronicle of Philanthro­py, and Black community organizati­ons have multiplied.

State Rep. Monroe Nichols, a Democrat from Tulsa, said the Black community must now focus on boosting voter turnout — Oklahoma overall had the lowest voter turnout in the nation in 2020.

“I think the interest is there,” he said. “I just think the engagement isn’t there yet.”

Oklahoma’s leadership, overwhelmi­ngly white and conservati­ve, is no longer in denial about the race massacre, which for decades received only brief mention in state history books.

State and local officials have supported the observance of the anniversar­y. A new multimedia museum has been embraced as a step toward recognizin­g the lessons of the incident. Republican U.S. Sen. James Lankford is a member of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission.

But atonement for the past hasn’t meant an end to hostile moves in the present, Black community members say. They cite Oklahoma Republican­s’ support for national GOP efforts to limit voting opportunit­ies, and especially Lankford’s plan to challenge the certificat­ion of the 2020 presidenti­al election over ballots cast in cities with large Black population­s.

Lankford backed off those plans after insurrecti­onists stormed the U.S. Capitol and later issued an apology to Black Tulsans.

“I can assure you, my intent to give a voice to Oklahomans who had questions was never also an intent to diminish the voice of any Black American,” he said.

Oklahoma’s Gov. Kevin Stitt also was a member of the commission, but was removed after he signed a bill to prohibit the teaching of certain concepts of race and racism in public schools.

Meanwhile, the GOPdominat­ed Legislatur­e has responded to Black Lives Matter protests over social injustice by cracking down on protesters. One new law makes blocking a street a misdemeano­r punishable by up to a year in jail. The measure also provides legal immunity in some cases to motorists who run into demonstrat­ors on the road.

“If rioters are surroundin­g someone’s car, threatenin­g that person, they have a right to protect their family,” said Stitt, who was criticized on Twitter by Martin Luther King Jr.’s daughter for signing the measure.

Oklahoma’s voting laws are also among the most restrictiv­e in the nation, with only 3 ½ days of early inperson voting. Mailed-in absentee ballots must be notarized, which Nichols said can be particular­ly difficult for people with low incomes.

Though wielding less political clout than Black people in Old South states with large Black population­s, African Americans in Oklahoma are showing more potential as they combine with higher educated white voters to elect more Democrats in the big cities. Tulsa and Oklahoma City are now increasing­ly Democratic, with seven African American legislator­s.

But the Legislatur­e’s conservati­ve Republican leadership keeps this group on the margins. Seventy-two of the 81 bills introduced by Black legislator­s this year never received a committee hearing, according to an Associated Press analysis. Only two made it to the governor’s desk.

“There’s just not respect for the Black experience or Black voices,” Nichols said.

House Majority Floor Leader Rep. Jon Echols, a Republican, said Black members may be deflected because they’re pushing more liberal bills in a conservati­ve Legislatur­e.

 ?? DEPARTMENT OF SPECIAL COLLECTION­S, MCFARLIN LIBRARY, THE UNIVERSITY OF TULSA ?? A group of Black men are marched past the corner of 2nd and Main Streets in Tulsa, Okla., under armed guard during the Tulsa Race Massacre.
DEPARTMENT OF SPECIAL COLLECTION­S, MCFARLIN LIBRARY, THE UNIVERSITY OF TULSA A group of Black men are marched past the corner of 2nd and Main Streets in Tulsa, Okla., under armed guard during the Tulsa Race Massacre.

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