Marin Independent Journal

Decision is height of judicial activism

- By Erwin Chemerinsk­y Erwin Chemerinsk­y is a contributi­ng writer to the Los Angeles Times and the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law. ©2023 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

For decades, conservati­ves have railed against judicial activism, but last week's decision striking down affirmativ­e action by colleges and universiti­es in admissions was the height of conservati­ve judicial activism. The court rejected almost half a century of precedents, overturned decisions made by public and private universiti­es across the country, and ignored the history of the 14th Amendment of the Constituti­on.

The experience of California — where affirmativ­e action was eliminated by Propositio­n 209 in 1996 — shows that it still will be possible to have diversity in higher education, but it will take sustained effort and it will be difficult.

In 1978, in University of California v. Bakke, Justice Lewis Powell wrote the pivotal opinion and explained that colleges and universiti­es have a compelling interest in having a diverse student body and may use race as one of many factors in admissions decisions to benefit minorities and enhance diversity. The Supreme Court reaffirmed this in 2003 in Grutter v. Bollinger and again, most recently, in 2016, in Fisher v. University of Texas, Austin. For decades, universiti­es across the country have based their admissions policies on these holdings.

What changed in a mere seven years? Donald Trump appointed three justices: Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett. They joined the three conservati­ve dissenters in the Fisher case — John G. Roberts Jr., Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito — to overturn 45 years of precedents allowing affirmativ­e action. As it did last year in overruling Roe v. Wade, the conservati­ves on the court paid no attention to the principle of stare decisis and following precedent.

Nor did the conservati­ves on the court pay attention to the judgment of university educators that diversity in the classroom matters in education. I have been a law professor for 43 years and have taught classes that are overwhelmi­ngly white and those with a significan­t number of minority students. The discussion­s in the classrooms are vastly different and the educationa­l experience for all students is enhanced when there is diversity.

As Justice Sandra Day O'Connor explained in the Grutter decision, preparing students for our diverse society requires that they experience diversity. But the six conservati­ve justices have now substitute­d their views and flatly rejected decades of experience of those in higher education.

The conservati­ve justices who profess to be originalis­ts, and are committed to following the original meaning of the Constituti­on, didn't pay attention to the history of the 14th Amendment. The Congress that ratified it in 1868 also adopted race conscious programs, like the Freedman's Bureau that today undoubtedl­y would be considered affirmativ­e action.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a powerful dissent, cuts straight to the status of race in this country and explains why the Supreme Court itself has affirmed over and over again that affirmativ­e action is constituti­onal. She wrote: “The Court cements a superficia­l rule of colorblind­ness as a constituti­onal principle in an endemicall­y segregated society where race has always mattered and continues to matter. The Court subverts the constituti­onal guarantee of equal protection by further entrenchin­g racial inequality in education, the very foundation of our democratic government and pluralisti­c society.”

The court's decision will have an enormous impact because it applies to all colleges and universiti­es, public and private. There were two cases, one against a public university, University of North Carolina, and one against Harvard College, a private institutio­n. The majority opinion, written by Chief Justice Roberts, said that the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment outlaws affirmativ­e action for public universiti­es and that Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from discrimina­ting based on race, prohibits it in private colleges.

California's Propositio­n 209 had an immediate and devastatin­g effect on diversity in the University of California. The number of Black and Latino first-year students fell by 50% in the years immediatel­y after the ballot measure was passed. It took UCLA 19 years, until 2015, to reach its pre-Propositio­n 209 levels of diversity.

The immediate impact cannot be overstated. At least in the short term, there will be a dramatic change in admissions decisions and students of color will be harmed. It is crucial to remember that this decision is not about following legal principles as they have stood and been tested over and over for a generation. It is entirely about the ideology of six conservati­ves on the court again moving the law far to the right.

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