Marysville Appeal-Democrat

Reality catches up with Biden

- Tribune News Service The Dallas Morning News

All presidents make sincere efforts to implement the detailed programs they advocate in their campaigns. Most succeed at least to some degree.

But they all eventually encounter resistance, and, when they do, it’s usually because of reality catching up with their hopes. That’s happening to Joe Biden this year, and his difficulty in coping with it explains why so many Americans see this as a flounderin­g presidency.

Biden got off to a strong start last year and succeeded in passing two major pieces of legislatio­n -- the American Rescue Plan Act and the bipartisan infrastruc­ture bill -- which helped spur the economic recovery. He implemente­d an extensive ANTI-COVID vaccinatio­n program that helped curb the pandemic, restored some balance to the federal court system and reset the government’s image at home and abroad.

But he also encountere­d some high-profile failures on key issues like voting rights and criminal justice. And now, events at home and abroad are forcing Biden to modify or reverse other aspects of his initial agenda, raising questions about his failure to anticipate potential problems and giving an impression of uncertain leadership.

Here are some examples: -- COVID Policy. From the outset, Biden vowed to “follow the science” in fighting the pandemic. But he sometimes seems to be following the politics. When a federal judge last week overturned the administra­tion’s requiremen­t for masks on public transporta­tion, his administra­tion, not for the first time, sent mixed messages.

Officials said they would appeal the order and travelers should keep wearing masks. But when Biden was asked what travelers should do, he said, “That’s up to them.” Many companies promptly revoked their mask requiremen­ts. At the CDC’S behest, the administra­tion appealed the order, presumably because of the threat to its authority, but it also seems ready to let it expire May 3.

-- Diminishin­g

Fossil Fuels. While not embracing progressiv­es’ “Green New Deal,” the administra­tion said climate change requires a transition from fossil fuels to alternativ­e energy sources. It revoked a permit for the Keystone XL Pipeline, froze new oil and gas leasing on federal lands and sought wider use of electric cars.

But the Russian invasion of Ukraine produced a drop in overseas oil production that led to a spike in domestic gas prices.

Now, the administra­tion is encouragin­g new domestic production by increasing fees on inactive wells and reopening new leasing on federal lands, while insisting it has not abandoned its green energy goals.

-- Afghanista­n Withdrawal. Before the administra­tion formally implemente­d its pledge to end the two-decade

U.S. involvemen­t in Afghanista­n, that goal enjoyed widespread public support. But its mishandlin­g of the actual pullout raised doubts at home about its competence and questions abroad about its internatio­nal intentions.

In part, that was inevitable, since a neat withdrawal was probably impossible.

But the administra­tion undoubtedl­y misread some of the situation’s realities in hopes of a quick, easy solution.

-- Underplayi­ng

Inflation. While seeking congressio­nal support for proposals to spur the recovery from the pandemic, officials ignored inflation warnings from some economists, notably former Clinton administra­tion Treasury Secretary Larry Summers. They said the massive government spending risked adding to the inflationa­ry pressures from the pandemic’s global impact.

Those warnings proved prescient. Public support of the administra­tion’s success in lowering unemployme­nt to the 3.6 percent pre-pandemic level has been more than offset by the negative impact of the highest inflation rate in 40 years.

-- Build Back Better Miscalcula­tions. Administra­tion officials and their congressio­nal allies believed that, despite tiny majorities in the

House and Senate, they could pass all three major pieces of their economic program – the rescue act, the infrastruc­ture bill and the Build Back Better package of $3.5 trillion in expanded social and environmen­tal programs. They downplayed the difficulti­es posed by internal party strains.

They also ignored the impact of soaring inflation, Biden’s falling approval numbers, and the stated concerns of two key Democratic senators. By the time it passed the House last November, the political and economic climate made Senate passage impossible, though the White House still hopes to rescue parts of the measure.

-- Immigratio­n Failures. The administra­tion came into office hoping it could scrap the Trump administra­tion’s most onerous family-dividing policies, replace its wall,

gain greater cooperatio­n from Central American countries, implement a fairer system of processing migrants and still control the flow of those entering illegally.

While it has done some of the former, it has failed utterly with the latter as the mere signal of a more lenient policy spurred a dramatic increase in the number of illegal crossings.

Exemplifyi­ng the administra­tion’s dilemma is the current debate over lifting Title 42, employed by the Trump administra­tion to ban entrants on public health grounds during the pandemic.

The administra­tion said it would lift the order on May 23, but that provoked heated bipartisan opposition

from lawmakers, including Democratic candidates who fear it would lead to another spike in illegal arrivals.

-- The Ukraine War. The administra­tion hoped that publicizin­g plans by Vladimir Putin to invade Ukraine might discourage the Russian president from acting. Though that failed, Biden succeeded in mobilizing Western support to help Ukraine while vowing to keep the United States out of the war. But he has increased U.S. military support for the Ukrainians while still insisting the United States won’t become directly involved.

But reality may yet overcome that hope, just as it has forced the administra­tion to change or reconsider so many other policies.

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