Miami Herald (Sunday)

DARK MONEY

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[give] a tremendous amount of money and they don’t need to let everybody know how much money they’re giving to certain organizati­ons,” said state Rep. Toby Overdorf, a Palm City Republican who is sponsoring the bill.

The Senate version is narrower, protecting informatio­n that would identify a person, member, or donor to a charitable organizati­on. However, Sen. Joe Gruters, R-Sarasota, said he would be open to considerin­g broadening the scope of the bill.

“I am always open to any suggestion­s. It is part of the process,” Gruters told the Miami Herald on Wednesday. “It is interestin­g, I thought this was going to be a simple, easy bill, and all of a sudden it is a firestorm.”

In particular, Gruters said he would be open to amending the bill to include nonprofits that register as 501(c)(4), a taxexempt status that allows organizati­ons to engage in a restricted level of political activity without the need to disclose donors.

Jorge Chamizo, a lobbyist who has a long list of clients, provided the bill language to Gruters’ staff and told the Herald the goal is to get support for the House version of the bill.

‘LOTS OF ORGANIZATI­ONS’

When asked who he was lobbying on behalf of, Chamizo mentioned two nonprofit organizati­ons: People United for Privacy and Opportunit­y Solutions Project. But he would not provide informatio­n about who was behind the groups.

“There are lots of organizati­ons that are supporting it,” said Chamizo, who emphasized the interest comes from both conservati­ve and liberal groups.

Gruters, Overdorf and Chamizo all said the proposed legislatio­n is in response to a U.S. Supreme Court ruling last summer that struck down a California law that required charities to disclose top donors to the state attorney general.

California’s disclosure requiremen­t was challenged by the Americans for Prosperity Foundation, the charitable arm of Americans for Prosperity, a conservati­ve political organizati­on affiliated with the Koch family.

The decision divided the court along ideologica­l lines, and found the state’s requiremen­ts violated the First Amendment’s protection of the freedom of associatio­n. The court’s three liberal members dissented, and said the decision could have implicatio­ns for political donation disclosure­s.

“Today’s analysis marks reporting and disclosure requiremen­ts with a bull’seye,” Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote. “Regulated entities who wish to avoid their obligation­s can do so by vaguely waving toward First Amendment ‘privacy concerns.’ ”

That Supreme Court ruling was recently cited by Tallahasse­e strategist Ryan Tyson’s lawyers when asking a Miami circuit court judge to block the release of bank records that would disclose donors to his political nonprofit organizati­on, Let’s Preserve the American Dream. His lawyers argue that the release of such informatio­n would violate donors’ privacy rights.

The informatio­n is part of pretrial discovery in the case of former Republican state Sen. Frank Artiles, who is facing several charges related to recruiting and paying a no-party candidate who ran in Senate District 37.

Newly released court records show Tyson’s group wired more than half a million dollars to a dark money group that later funded misleading mailers promoting noparty candidates in three key state Senate races in 2020, including the one under investigat­ion.

His group has not been accused of wrongdoing, but prosecutor­s have zeroed in on him as part of an investigat­ion into the source of the mailers and an attempt to sway a 2020 Miami-Dade election.

Tyson’s lawyers cited the Supreme Court ruling in their motion to shield the donor names, arguing the organizati­on’s bank records “implicate the heart of the First Amendment’s right to the freedom to associate” and their disclosure “could chill speech across the political spectrum” by halting future donations to organizati­ons for fear of being outed to the public.

Gruters told the Herald that it is a “coincidenc­e” that the Supreme Court ruling is cited as the impetus for both Tyson’s motion and his bill. He said the intent of the bill is to “protect donors and nonprofits.”

“The way it was presented to me, it makes sense. So we’ll see where it goes,” he said.

Overdorf said his bill is a “preemptive way of … being in compliance with the Supreme Court case.”

On Thursday, the Orlando Sentinel reported that the Florida Department of Agricultur­e and Consumer Services, which regulates charities, opened an investigat­ion into Tyson’s group.

In a statement to the Herald, Agricultur­e Commission­er Nikki Fried, a Democrat running for governor, confirmed the investigat­ion.

“As always, our department will enforce the law to the fullest extent to protect consumers. Our Consumer Services team is currently investigat­ing whether this entity was previously operating in violation of Chapter 496, Florida Statutes, and we are unable to comment further at this time.”

In a statement to the Herald, Tyson’s lawyer Erika Alba said Let’s Preserve the American Dream “has not been contacted or notified by the commission­er of agricultur­e of any investigat­ion, and the first we have heard of this possibilit­y is from the media inquiries we are receiving.”

“We are very concerned that a state agency such as the Department of Agricultur­e would disclose the existence of an investigat­ion to the press before it notified the entity in question,” she said. “LPTAD makes every effort to follow all laws in the state of Florida.”

In the 2020 election cycle, Fried accepted donations from political committees funded by dark money nonprofit Grow United. The Sentinel reported that the largest known contributo­r to

Grow United was Let’s Preserve the American Dream, which contribute­d more than $1 million last year.

CONCERNS ARE RAISED

The bills, as currently drafted, would allow for donor informatio­n to be released during litigation if there is a “compelling need” or if the agency requesting the informatio­n protects any person who isn’t named in a lawsuit.

Under the bill language, a person alleging a violation of the law would be able to sue for injunctive relief and damages of at least $2,500 per violation. Those who knowingly violate the proposed law would be charged with a misdemeano­r, which could come with a $1,000 fine or 90 days in prison.

Overdorf said his bill, if approved, should not impact criminal investigat­ions.

“I have every confidence that if there was a criminal intent or a criminal investigat­ion, that a good prosecutin­g attorney would be able to gain access to the donors associated with it. This does not stop that in any way,” he said.

Some experts, however, say it would protect donors to the nonprofit, which funded misleading mail in three key Senate races.

“This bill, if it were on the books today, would have precluded the media and the public from learning many of the details about the ghost candidate scheme,” said Michael Barfield, the director of public access at the Florida Center for Government Accountabi­lity.

Virginia Hamrick, an attorney with the First Amendment Foundation, said the bill acts like a public records exemption but is not drafted as one.

The bill, however, is not technicall­y a public records exemption, and would not require a twothirds vote to pass. It would require a simple majority vote — which Republican­s handily have.

“It doesn’t look like a public records exemption bill and it doesn’t follow the state’s requiremen­t for enacting a public records exemption, but it acts as one,” she said. “It prevents the release of informatio­n that an agency has, and would have to give up under the public records law.”

Sen. Gary Farmer, who sits on the Government­al Oversight and Accountabi­lity Committee, called the bill “the worst type of legislatio­n that eats at the core of our democratic process.”

“If it looks like a duck and quacks like a duck, it’s a duck,” said Farmer, D-Lighthouse Point. “Clearly, this is a public records exemption even though they are painstakin­gly not referring to Chapter 119 in doing so.”

A NATIONAL TREND

Hamrick said similar bills have been filed in the states of Virginia and Tennessee.

“It’s a movement across the country,” she said.

A bill filed during Virginia’s 2022 legislativ­e session includes nearly identical language to Florida, stripping public agencies of the ability to require a nonprofit entity to provide the agency with personal informatio­n.

In North Carolina, legislatio­n was passed that prohibited nonprofits from disclosing the list of donors without the donors’ permission, unless otherwise required by law. The bill was eventually vetoed by Gov. Roy Cooper.

Anna Massoglia, who researches dark money and politicall­y active nonprofits for OpenSecret­s, said the bill has “cookie cutter” language other states are using to obscure donor informatio­n and was part of a wave that began after the Supreme Court ruled last summer.

Groups like the American Legislativ­e Exchange Council hand out language to states, Massoglia said, and “the language in this bill is similar to the language we are seeing in other areas. ... The timing here is extremely interestin­g.”

Jenna Grande, of watchdog group Citizens for Responsibi­lity and Ethics in Washington, echoed the sentiment, noting that the bill is a “continuati­on of a trend of certain states looking to grant special rights to large donors to nonprofits that are unavailabl­e to the average citizen.”

“By making this legislatio­n over-inclusive, the Legislatur­e would deny the public legitimate investigat­ions into fraud and corruption,” she wrote in an email. “When it comes to understand­ing how organizati­ons with public influence operate, it’s imperative their financial records are accessible and transparen­t.”

Ana Ceballos: 619-348-8888, @anaceballo­s_ Samantha J. Gross: @samanthajg­ross

 ?? KEVIN DIETSCH TNS ?? An immigratio­n activist participat­es in a rally near the White House on Oct. 7, 2021, in Washington, D.C.
KEVIN DIETSCH TNS An immigratio­n activist participat­es in a rally near the White House on Oct. 7, 2021, in Washington, D.C.

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