Miami Herald (Sunday)

Florida lawmakers have more bans headed our way

- BY THE MIAMI HERALD EDITORIAL BOARD

The Florida Legislatur­e sure has a tendency to tell how local communitie­s should conduct their business — and the 2024 legislativ­e session was no different.

Local preemption­s — the banning of what counties and cities can do — have become a guarantee every time lawmakers gather in Tallahasse­e. Some seem to have forgotten that they represent the very same communitie­s whose hands they are tying. Unfortunat­ely, pressure from business interests often speaks louder than loyalty to constituen­ts.

This state interferen­ce undermines local votes.

We elect officials in South Florida and elsewhere in the state to solve problems for our community, only to see that authority chiseled away by a partisan state Legislatur­e in which representa­tives from one distant part of the state make decisions that land on our doorstep.

There is no issue big or small in which the Legislatur­e won’t meddle. Some preemption­s that came out of this year’s lawmaking session related to everything from gas-powered leaf blowers to electric fences, appear petty at best. Others, if signed into law, will have far-reaching impacts, including in Miami-Dade County.

House Bill 433 prohibits local government­s from requiring contractor­s to pay their workers more than the state minimum wage, which will be $15 per hour in 2026, when the legislatio­n goes into effect if signed into law. Miami-Dade and Broward counties, and Miami Beach, are among the 11 communitie­s that have living wage requiremen­ts, which some contractor­s themselves say equals the playing field when they compete for government contracts.

All the senators from Miami-Dade, with the exception of Republican Sen. Bryan Avila, voted against HB 433. Opposing it were Republican Sens. Alexis Calatayud, Ileana Garcia and Ana Maria Rodriguez, and Democratic Sens. Jason Pizzo and Shevrin Jones. In the

House, Reps. Vicki Lopez and James Vernon Mooney were the only Republican­s representi­ng MiamiDade who joined Democrats in opposition.

The bill also prohibits local measures meant to protect workers from the kind of extreme heat Florida saw last summer — something Miami-Dade considered last year before the proposal drew fierce push back from the agricultur­e industry. As a result of the state’s action, the county commission killed an ordinance that would’ve protected 80,000 workers.

The state bill sponsor, Rep. Tiffany Esposito, RFort Myers, has said she wants to allow “businesses to do business,” but the Legislatur­e has essentiall­y codified into law that employers cannot be required to provide such simple things as water breaks, shade, rest or even first-aid precaution­s for heat exposure.

Florida began requiring schools to provide similar basic safety measures to student athletes after the death of a 16-year-old football player from heat stroke in 2017. Despite the death of at least seven outdoor workers in the following two years, as the Tampa Bay Times reported, the state not only refused to act but now wants to stop those who want to.

Who exactly is left alone to “do business” in Florida? Some of the biggest business lobbying organizati­ons in the state, including the Florida Chamber of Commerce, pressured lawmakers to pass HB 433, the Herald reported.

In another case, a legal dispute between Orlando and an electric security fence company ended, thanks to the company’s lobbying, with a ban on local regulation­s on the industry, the Orlando Sentinel reported.

Lawmakers also moved to block communitie­s from banning gas-powered leaf blowers after Miami Beach, South Miami and others did so. Also banned are regulation­s on electric vehicle charging stations and citizen boards that investigat­e police misconduct. The latter impacts the Miami-Dade Independen­t Civilian Panel, which has struggled to make progress on investigat­ing cases. Even if the panel has failed to prove its worth, it should be up to county commission­ers, not the Legislatur­e, to disband it.

Americans consistent­ly place more trust in their city councils and county commission­s — largely nonpartisa­n bodies — than in their state and federal representa­tives. At what point will electing people locally become irrelevant if Tallahasse­e acts as if it knows best?

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